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'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute'

September 12, 1960, address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association BY: John F. Kennedy

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.

These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is

absolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor

Jewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public

policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a Unitarian--or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday

end--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.

That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious

test--even by indirection--for it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.

This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we may have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe in liberty," or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the "freedoms for which our forefathers died."

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For there was no religious test at the Alamo.

I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.

I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.

But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.

Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.

But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.

But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.

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能量也正是这样藏匿于我们的眼皮底下：也许就溶在一杯咖啡里面，也许就隐于一行优雅的诗句里，也许就呆呆地在每个慵懒闲适的恰到好处的午后等着我们。不同于真正意义上的能量，正能量并非与什么东西是此消彼长的关系，所以只要我们想就可以创造出无止境的正能量，从别人出汲取，不如自己创造。 可有的人总爱抱怨说，我的上司太苛刻了，我的老师太严厉了，我的父母一点都不关心我的想法，总之我的环境整个儿一个都是负的，我何去寻找正能量? 与积极乐观的人交往能感受到他们传递给你的正能量。正能量还包括了爱与奉献，传递爱也是正能量传递的一种形式。把能量继续传递下去，我相信你一定会生活在一个积极快乐的环境里。 如果不能适应它，那就尝试去改变它吧。培根说：如果你有一份快乐，你将它告诉别人，那么你将拥有双份的快乐。所以，不要吝啬你的正能量，将他释放出去，你将拥有更多的正能量，所以从今天起，给上司一个微笑，给你的老师一份赞许，赠你父母一个拥抱，慢慢的，也许你就会发现，你和你的周围充满了正能量。如果每个人都如此的去做，正能量就将会像太阳一样散射出去，也许我们再看到路边无助的老人，寒夜里啼哭的幼崽，我们就都会伸出一只手。这样乌托邦式的世界将会是何等的有意义，有快乐? 一个充满正能量的世界! 阳光温热，岁月静好，我有一所房子，面朝正能量，春暖花开。

青春正能量英语演讲稿5篇

青春正能量英语演讲稿5篇 青春正能量英语演讲稿1 We often hear people say, “Never give up.” These can be encouraging words and words of determination. A person who believes in them will keep trying to reach his goal no matter how many times he fails. Benjamin Franklin once said,”Great works are performed not by strength,but by perseverance.”From the remark,we can infer that,of all the advantageous characteristics,perseverance plays a crucial role in one’s success. Remember that year, I bought a bike,but I cant ride a bike! Mom seems to understand my thoughts, gently to me: "tomorrow Ill show you to your square, teach you to ride a bicycle." "Good!" Im happy to reply. The next morning, my mother and I went to the square. Mother let me push this bike, and look for the feeling, I have to not boring to walk cycles. Fifteen minutes passed, and my feet really acid! I want to back down. Well, learn the bike how so difficult, it is better not learn! At this time, my mother said to me ": well, quite good!" Listened to mothers words, my heart is light suddenly full of

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弘扬正能量演讲稿范文5篇 篇一 亲爱的老师、同学们： 林肯，大家都很熟悉，那么我们来看一看他的人生简历：二十一岁生意失败;二十四岁，做生意再度失败;二十六岁，情人离世;三十四岁，角逐联邦众议员再度落选······然而，在这样的坎坷经历之后，他、林肯当上了美国第十六任总统，并成为最伟大的总统之一。由此可见，挫折炼就成功。 成功是很难打造出来的，然而，有一个匠师可以帮助到你，他就是挫折。 《聊斋志异》想必大家都有所见闻，一部历史名作，然而他的作者却是一个贫困潦倒、四次试举不中而“名落孙山”的普通人——蒲松龄。还有李时珍，曾三次考举人，三次失败，后立志学医，终于写成了流传千古的不朽之作——《本草纲目》。汉代杰出史学家司马迁也不例外，在触怒龙颜而被用刑后，不畏艰难，转而发愤著书，终于写成了《史记》这部伟大的巨著。瞧瞧他们的光辉，瞧瞧他们的磨难、挫折，他们拼搏的道路上如果没有这些荆棘、坎坷，他们的名字就不会被载入史册。 音乐大师贝多芬曾说过：“苦难是人生的老师，通过苦难，走向

快乐。”他本人的做法也应证了这一点。他曾是一个有名的指挥家、钢琴家，但有一天，他发现自己突然无法倾听一切，这对一个音乐人来说是多么沉痛的打击啊!他崩溃了，但他没有完全崩溃，心中仅存的信念和冷静告诉他：你不应如此懦弱!于是，他坚持创作，在无尽的没暗中创作，终于创作出一部有一部惊世之作，但我们不难发现，她在失去听觉之前，从没创作出如此的巨作!这就是挫折打造的人生。 “人的生命是洪水在奔流，不遇着岛屿、暗礁，难以极其美丽的浪花。”这是又一个典型磨难人物的话，相信在你读完了《钢铁是怎样炼成的》之后，你就会明白，谁最配说上面的话。奥斯特洛夫斯基，苏联作家，他的背后有着艰难的人生：十一岁开始当童工，1924年加入共产党。由于长期参加斗争，身体受训严重损害，到1927年，其健康急剧恶化，但他竟不屈服，以惊人的毅力同病魔作斗争;1927年底，奥斯特洛夫斯基在身患重病之际，写了一部中篇小说，可是的一份手稿再寄给朋友们审读时被邮局弄丢了。这一残酷的打击并没有挫败他的坚强意志，反而使他更加顽强!1929年，他全身瘫痪，双目失明。1930年，《钢铁是怎样炼成的》问世了，收到同时代人真诚而热烈的称赞。6年后，它离世了。回想他的一生，想想自己的人生，我们却很幸福!我们生活中的困难和他的磨难比起来，真是沧海一栗! 由此可见，挫折本身不是坏东西，只在于你用什么样的态度对待，