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Falling between frames Institutional discourse and disability in radio

Falling between frames Institutional discourse and disability in radio
Falling between frames Institutional discourse and disability in radio

Falling between frames:Institutional discourse and

disability in radio

Mary-Pat O’Malley

Speech and Language Therapy Department,A

`ras Moyola,National University of Ireland,Galway,Ireland Received 7March 2005;received in revised form 7March 2008;accepted 4July 2008

Abstract

Much commentary exists concerning the disempowering portrayal of disabled people in the media.Very little research exists that systematically examines talk-in-interaction with a view to uncovering how disability is constructed through and in talk.Even less research has focused on radio talk as a form of institutional talk with implications for the social construction of disability.Traditional studies of radio talk have tended to examine news interviews,radio call in shows and so on but relatively little work exists concerning the construction of disability in programmes that interview disabled people.This study explores the talk in an Irish radio programme about disability as an instance of institutional discourse.Drawing on frame theory as an analytical framework,the study demonstrates how the discourse of the interviews in the programme undermines the stated aim of the programme as being ‘for and about people with disability.’The explicit or stated aim of the programme implies at least the possibility of an alternative perspective to the traditional,medical,‘tragedy’,of disability perspective.However,close analysis shows that the nature of the talk in this context actually sabotages the programme’s stated aims and actually reinforces the image of the disabled person as Other.#2008Elsevier B.V .All rights reserved.

Keywords:Radio;Disability;Frames;Joint exploration of disability

1.Introduction

‘‘Broadcasting is an institution –a power,an authority-and talk on radio ...is public,institutional talk’’(Scannell,1991:2).Radio has been described as ‘an old-fashioned medium in a (post)modern world’(Ross,2001:421).It has attracted less academic attention since television emerged as a mass medium and possibly even less since the development of the World Wide Web and more recently developed media.

The portrayal of disabled people in the media,in parallel with the treatment of radio as a medium,has also been neglected in contemporary research.Research that has been conducted has been of a generic nature –discussions of stereotyped portrayals of disabled people,disabling imagery,and language use in the most general of senses (Barnes,1992;Shakespeare,1997).While it has been acknowledged that ‘‘what is understood and accepted to be a ‘disability’is always socially and culturally located and constructed via discourse’’(Lupton and Seymour,2003:247as cited by Oliver,1994),very little research has examined the talk itself in mass media as a context in which perspectives on disability are both re?ected and constituted.

This study aims to examine the talk of an Irish radio programme called Outside the Box which is ‘a radio programme for and about disability’(www.rte.ie )as an instance of institutional discourse,at a micro level of https://www.wendangku.net/doc/ed1380247.html,/locate/pragma

Available online at https://www.wendangku.net/doc/ed1380247.html,

Journal of Pragmatics 41(2009)346–356

E-mail address:marypat.omalley@nuigalway.ie.

0378-2166/$–see front matter #2008Elsevier B.V .All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/j.pragma.2008.07.008

M.-P.O’Malley/Journal of Pragmatics41(2009)346–356347 Frame theory is deployed to examine both the organization of the talk in the programme and its content.A hallmark feature of the interviews on this programme is their distancing character whereby there is a distinct failure to engage in joint construction joint exploration of the experience of disability.The overarching programme frame limits the focus of the talk to the exchange of factual medical information.An overemphasis on the medical aspects of disabled people’s lives perpetuates a limited,one-dimensional view of disabled people and has been repeatedly challenged in the literature(Oliver,1994;Shakespeare,1997).Signi?cant aspects of individual experience fall between the frames, and silence shrouds the meaning of that experience for the individual.The image of the disabled person as Other is therefore repeatedly reinforced and alternative voices are prevented from entering the public domain.

As this talk constitutes an instance of institutional discourse,issues of power and control are also considered.To this end,power is conceptualized in two ways:?rstly as an attribute of‘unequal’or‘asymmetrical’relations de?ned pre-discursively in this institutional context and secondly,as an emergent interactional quality between non-equals (Jaworski and Coupland,1999).Attention is paid to‘power in discourse’and‘power behind discourse’(Fairclough, 1989).To this end,a random selection of15radio programmes broadcast from6/11/01to23/04/02were purchased from the Irish national radio station,transcribed using the conventions employed by Jaworski(2003),and analysed drawing on the works of Goffman(1981,1986)and Tannen(1993a,b)in particular.Multiple genres are found in the discourse of the radio programme,for example live interviews,recorded interviews,humorous sketches,and book reviews.The main focus of the analysis for this paper is on live interviews.Three frames are examined:Radio Programme Frame,Presenter Frame,and Interview Frame.

2.The Micro View:frames in operation and evidence for interactive frames

The notion of frame,according to Goffman(1986:8)has to do with the fact that individuals attending to any current situation‘‘face the question‘What is it that’s going on here?’’’.According to Tannen(1993:15),‘‘the only way we can make sense of the world is to see the connections between present things and things we have experienced before or heard about.’’Expectation is seen as an integral part of the fabric of social life and underlies discussions of frame theory.Frames and structures of expectation are not innate but‘‘acquired through socialization,‘constructed’out of experience(out of our own experience or accounts of experiences by others)’’(Bednarek,2004:690).Dornelles and Garcez(2001)comment further that people’s expectations about ways of interacting contribute to their framing of the situation.In the context of the radio programme about disability,the view that talk-in-interaction is both context-shaping and context-renewing assumes particular signi?cance as the programme’s explicit goal is to put issues relevant to disabled people on the public agenda.This stated goal implies the presentation of an alternative to the current situation where there is a distinct absence and/or distortion of the representation of disabled people in the media.If knowledge structures are acquired through socialization,and constructed out of individual and vicarious experience,then the power of representation through the medium of the radio programme is signi?cant for the lived experience of disabled people.Similarly signi?cant in this context is the notion that once established,frames are rather stable(Bednarek,2005).

‘‘Any speech event represents the overlapping and intertwining of many relations concerning the context as well as the content of communication’’(Tannen,1993a,b:22).In the case of the radio programme,the broadest level of context is the radio programme itself as an entity being broadcast on national radio and therefore designed with an overhearing audience in mind(Radio Programme Frame).Within this larger context nestle other levels of context,for example,the Presenter Frame in which the programme’s presenter accomplishes the task of managing the delivery of the show’s content.Live interviews also occupy a sub-space within the context of the radio programme.In live interviews, participants are aware that their talk is being listened to by the invisible audience(Interview Frame).The knowledge that the talk is being broadcast to the overhearing audience affects the participants’contributions.Further subsets within the overarching context are the pre-recorded interviews,live book reviews,and the humorous sketches on disability.The analysis focuses on the Radio Programme Frame,Presenter Frame,and Interview Frame in particular to examine how the expectations are revealed in surface evidence of the talk of the radio programme.

2.1.Radio Programme Frame

Radio talk is designed with the overhearing audience in mind.Scannell(1991:2)points out that‘‘if you want people to listen to or to watch your programmes you must make them listenable to.’’Listenability must be inherent in the talk of the programme,not only in order to capture the attention of the audience,but also to sustain it–the audience

requires a reason to continue listening.How then is communicative intentionality organized within the Radio Programme Frame?Firstly,11out of the 15programmes analysed have a medical condition as the main topic of the programme,including conditions such as arthritis,multiple sclerosis,asthma,eczema,migraine,and neuro?bromatosis.These medical conditions are presented as forms of disability in their own right and not as other conditions that disabled people may also experience in addition to physical or sensory impairments for example.Content analysis of programmes broadcast over the past year indicates a persistent pattern with topics such as attention de?cit disorder,epilepsy,cystic ?brosis,depression,and Alzheimer’s disease featuring as topics.So the overarching frame is characterized by a medical focus in terms of content.Overemphasis of medical aspects of disabled people’s lives has consistently been criticized as distorting the portrayal of disabled people in the media.An almost exclusive ?lter of a ‘disability as illness’in the programme precludes the possibility of re?ecting and constructing a view of disability that incorporates positive aspects of that experience.

From a structural point of view,the presenter controls the proceedings and constraints are therefore placed on the content of participants’contributions.While interviewees’responses to questions within the Interview Frame are multi-unit responses,the presenter’s questions focus mainly on medical or problematic elements of being disabled with the presenter remaining largely in response to talk about personal experience.The questions posed by the presenter and his responses to guests’contributions have implications for how views of disability are constructed in this medium,which in turn has rami?cations for people’s personal experience of disability.Therefore the power of the presenter’s role in re?ecting contemporary beliefs about disability and the subsequent construction of the experience of disability is signi?cant.

2.2.Presenter Frame

Within the overarching Radio Programme Frame is the Presenter Frame.Linguistic evidence for the Presenter Frame lies in the conventionalized lexical and syntactic choices deemed appropriate for an overhearing audience and is considered here in terms of openings and closings in the programme.The conventionalized features highlight the institutional nature of the discourse in this context and re?ect the power and control of the presenter’s role in terms of speaker selection and shaping the direction of topics.

2.2.1.Openings

The opening moments of the programme involve the presenter producing talk clearly designed to capture the overhearing audience’s attention and focus it on the next item.The talk in these opening segments pre?gures both the form and content of the interaction that is to follow.The Presenter Frame can be seen in the following extracts where the presenter introduces the ?rst item in the programme directly as in the ?rst extract or indirectly as in the second extract:

P:welcome to the programme (30seconds music)eating disorders are a form of disability that affect all social

groups seldom and are seldom out of the news .hhh sometime ago I spoke to two people directly affected by an eating disorder (.)?rstly we meet Susan .hhh who in nineteen ninety three was diagnosed as suffering from anorexia

The Presenter Frame can be identi?ed in the initial welcome to the overhearing audience ‘welcome to the programme ’.This welcome indicates immediately that the talk is designed with an overhearing audience in mind and suggests easy familiarity with the medium.The welcome also re?ects the intimate nature of the relationship between radio and its listeners.Music marks the boundary between the greeting and the ?rst programme item.This extract contains an example of a direct statement of the ?rst item in the programme ‘eating disorders are a form of disability that affect all social groups’.Further evidence of an orientation to an overhearing audience is seen in the presenter’s introduction of the topic as worth listening to as it affects many people:‘a form of disability that affect all social groups seldom and are seldom out of the news ’.Shakespeare (1996:103)claims that people are socialized into thinking of disability in a medical model way.Much of what has been written about the representation (or lack of it)of disabled people in the media criticizes a reductionist approach which emphasizes medical aspects of disabled people’s lives –an emphasis which precludes viewing disability as ‘an emergent property,located temporally speaking,in terms of the interplay between the biological reality of physiological impairment,structural conditioning,and socio-cultural

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M.-P.O’Malley/Journal of Pragmatics41(2009)346–356349 interaction’(Thomas,2004:577).The one-dimensional portrayals of disabled people within popular culture are considered by Shakespeare(1997:219)as forming the‘bedrock on which the attitudes towards,assumptions about and expectations of disabled people are based’.The programme’s?rst topic being a medical condition suggests‘disability as illness’wherein illness and suffering are linked to disability and re?ected in the presenter’s lexical choice ‘diagnosed as suffering from anorexia’.The lexical choice con?rms a medical orientation within which identi?cation of pathology is emphasized and the individual is portrayed passively,as af?icted in some way,as opposed to actively experiencing events in their lives.Lexical choice in phrases such as‘suffering from’has‘‘the effect of casting disabled people in the role of victim’’(Oliver,1996:33).In essence,while the programme claims to be for and about people with disability,the discourse reveals that the stated aim is in a sense sabotaged by the talk,as the focus is primarily a medical one.A degree of tension exists in this extract between the‘individual experience of disability’(‘two people directly affected by an eating disorder’)and the‘disability as illness’perspectives(‘diagnosed as suffering from anorexia’).The presenter’s initial foregrounding of the person as experiencing an eating disorder presents an alternative to the traditional medical view of the person as passively being af?icted in some way.Contrasting perspectives emerge within the same turn.Ultimately however,it is the medical perspective that is foregrounded in the presenter’s contributions.

The Presenter Frame is further unpacked in the following more elaborate opening in the extract below:

P:hello and welcome(music30seconds)swelling in one or more joints(.)early morning stiffness(.)recurring pain or tenderness in any joint(.)inability to move the joint normally(.)obvious redness an warmth in a joint unexplained weight loss fever or weakness combined with eh joint pain(.)if you notice symptoms like these hangin around for more than two weeks say.hhh the chances are that you may suffer from arthritis(.)it’s a small word(.)for a very painful condition which affects one in seven Irish people and to?nd out more about it I’m joined by doctor Eoin Casey and on line from Mayo Mary Healy from the arthritis foundation.hhh I’ll be talking to Mary in a moment but?rst Eoin a small word but a very big problem

The opening in this extract is more elaborate than in the?rst and consists of a list of several medical symptoms ‘swelling in one or more joints(.)early morning stiffness(.)recurring pain or tenderness in any joint’.By not revealing the topic immediately,the interest of the overhearing audience may be stimulated and their attention maintained.The lexical choices here again re?ect a medical orientation where symptoms are listed as entities separate or distant from the person who may be experiencing them‘swelling in one or more joints’‘recurring pain or tenderness’,‘unexplained weight loss’.Following the elaborate introduction,the presenter then reveals the actual topic,albeit continuing in an indirect fashion with a distinct medical orientation in lexical choice(symptoms,suffer from):‘if you notice symptoms like these hanging around for more than two weeks say.hhh the chances are that you may suffer from arthritis(.)it’s a small word(.)for a very painful condition which affects one in seven Irish people and to?nd out more about it I’m joined by...’

In relation to issues of power and control,this extract is interesting in several respects.Firstly,the interaction takes place in the studio–an institutional discursive space from which institutional authority is maintained and displayed. The power of the institution in this case lies in the ways in which it can de?ne the terms of the interaction in its domain by the pre-allocation of social roles and statuses.The guests enter into this institutional space and can be seen to be oriented to these roles and statuses in the talk by ful?lling the expected roles of interviewee by responding to questions, staying on topic,not asking questions and so on.Secondly,in the extract above,the presenter introduces the?rst interviewee using his of?cial title‘doctor Eoin Casey’which places him in the position of expert and also re?ects the presenter’s orientation to the overhearing audience:a medical expert has authority to converse about a medical condition and in this sense is worth listening to.The second guest is introduced without of?cial title‘Mary Healy’and while she is aligned in the presenter’s talk with a recognized organization‘the arthritis foundation’,and therefore presented as being in a position to address the support needs of people with arthritis,the doctor is portrayed as having more power in the interaction through lexical choice and by virtue of the fact that he is interviewed?rst.Interviewing the medical expert?rst subtly reinforces a sense that the medical perspective carries greater weight than the perspective of the person experiencing the condition in question.This subtle reinforcing of the greater validity of the medical perspective would seem to be in con?ict with the programme advertising of itself as a programme‘for and about people with a disability’(www.rte.ie).The presenter’s use of the doctor’s?rst name‘?rst Eoin’suggests familiarity and a lessening of the power differential.On the one hand the doctor could be construed as holding more

power in the interaction by virtue of his status as medical expert.However,the fact that the interaction takes places in the presenter’s institutional domain means that the ultimate control over the direction of the conversation and topics that will be introduced rests with the presenter operating in either the Presenter or the Interview Frame.A brief extract later on in the same programme further re?ects issues of perceived status and power when the presenter enquires of the second guest:‘Mary would you like to ask doctor Casey anything in particular?’A similar invitation is not offered to the doctor again,reinforcing beliefs about the role of the doctor as expert and gatekeeper of important information.

2.2.2.Closings

Hutchby (1991:119)citing Schegloff and Sacks (1973)states that ‘‘conversation does not simply end,but is brought to a close.’’Unlike closings in casual conversation,closings in the radio programme,given its institutional colouring,do not need to be negotiated in any respect between the presenter and guests.Given the presenter’s institutional role,it is the presenter’s task to open and to close topics and programme sections.This re?ects the unequal nature of these interactions.The presenter must discern some point in the organization of turns structuring a topic at which a relevant or necessary bid for closing might be made.Interviewees collaborate in the closings by accepting the authority of the presenter and responding appropriately:

Dr:

certainly ah more needs to be spent on providing services for patients with arthritis P:well I think on that note we’ll we’ll be coming back to the subject of arthritis again in a future programme but for

the moment Mary Healy thank you very much for joining us and

[

G:[my pleasure

P:and doctor Eoin Casey thank you

Dr:also my pleasure thank you very much

P:

and the telephone number again for the arthritis foundation of Ireland is zero one six six one eight eight (music 5seconds)over the Christmas holidays Ruth has been delving deep into her (.)book collection and she joins me in studio to tell us what she recommends for your attention (.)Ruth Frame switches from Interview Frame to Presenter Frame occur in the achievement of closings where the presenter uses a formulaic expression to signal the closure of the interview:‘well I think on that note’and then referring to future programmes ‘we’ll we’ll be coming back to the subject of arthritis again in a future programme ’.His use of ‘we ’can be interpreted as referring,not to the guests in question but to the programme team by whom decisions about appropriate topics for programmes are made.The presenter’s thanking the guests highlights their position as guests rather than hosts and their brief responses indicate their orientation to the Presenter Frame ‘my pleasure ’and ‘also my pleasure ’.The closing having been effected smoothly,recorded music is used to mark the boundary between sections of the programme and in the introduction to the next segment,we see the Presenter Frame in operation (‘over the Christmas holidays Ruth has been delving deep into her (.)book collection and she joins me in studio to tell us what she recommends for your attention ’),orientation to the overhearing audience in (‘to tell us what she recommends for your attention ’),and turn allocation (‘Ruth ’).The introduction of the guest presenter by ?rst name,signals to the audience her status as member of the programme team and presupposes audience familiarity with the team.As presenter,he is in a position of power in terms of turn allocation,selecting who speaks and when.Turn-taking restrictions are a recognized feature of institutional discourse (Ilie,2001)and broadcast talk is recognized as public,institutional talk (Scannell,1991).The presence of turn taking restrictions seen in the Presenter Frame and also the Interview Frame con?rms that the discourse of this radio programme is institutional in nature which has implications for the interviewees’opportunities to challenge the dominant assumptions about disability in society.

The ultimate closing occurs at the programme’s end and is also the presenter’s task.In this context,the closing always occurs smoothly –interviewees who are present in studio align themselves to the closing and never interrupt the presenter or attempt to prolong the interaction.

P:and that’s it for this week if you wish to contact us you can telephone zero one two zero eight two zero three

ninety (.)or you can email us at tomasd@rte(.)ie .(.)or you can write to us at outside of the box RTE radio one Dublin four (.)until next time bye bye

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M.-P.O’Malley/Journal of Pragmatics41(2009)346–356351 2.3.Interview Frame:live and recorded interviews

The topic for the programme having been established in the Presenter Frame,a frame switch occurs from the Presenter Frame to the Interview Frame.The introduction of guests which occurs in the Presenter Frame is signi?cant to the type of interview that emerges.According to Scannell(1991:11)‘‘there is nothing in the discourses of radio...that is not motivated,that is not intended to generate inferences about what is being said by virtue of how it is being said’’.Guests are consistently introduced as possessing either?rst hand experience or expert knowledge of the topic in question.These introductions foreshadow an informational interview with implications for the construction of disability in this context.Although the introductions foreshadow an informational interview,the scope of the interviewees’contributions is narrowed to focus almost exclusively on medical matters as seen in the extracts below:

P:ahm when were you?rst diagnosed with MS

P:so how did you hear about that and how did you notice there was something wrong

P:yeah and did what was the verdict at the time when the doctors came to you and said okay we’ve now established what it is you have MS and what stage were you at did they say(.)what to do what not to do Interviewees are never introduced in relation to an opinion or position on a focal matter even when they may be reasonably expected to have an opinion–for example on the issue of access to public buildings.Such introductions would allow for greater latitude in terms of putting the challenges experienced by disabled people on the agenda.From that perspective,it is interesting to note that in the15programmes sampled,only one interview could be described as putting opinions on what it means to be disabled,unequivocally on the agenda when the interviewee states‘what I have is an impairment I don’t have a disability un-until society fails to accommodate my needs.’In this instance,a debate interview did not emerge(as might be expected),as the interviewer maintained neutrality by asking only questions that sought factual information,e.g.‘and ahm I believe you’ve just been appointed to do bit o work over the next few years here in Dublin(.)with ah the new professorship of disability studies is that right’.The interviewee was given space to present his opinions on the social and medical models of disability but the interviewer did not actively engage in discussion of these opinions which might be reasonably expected from a programme whose stated aim suggests alternatives to traditional views of disabled people.

The interviewer’s purpose in the context of this radio programme about disability appears to be to extract information from interviewees in order to inform the overhearing audience about topics such as medical conditions, their symptoms and treatments;personal experience of disability and medical conditions;support groups that are available;and disability speci?c issues such as access to public buildings.The majority of questions in the data are information seeking questions.Questions that seek to explore more personal experiences can be found but they are the exceptions rather than the rule.Therefore,it appears that the overarching Programme Frame limits co-construction of the experience of disability and results in the sabotaging of the programme’s stated aim:to be‘for and about people with disability’(www.rte.ie).

Sweeney(2005)examines one to one radio interviews with people described as‘disabled achievers’.Two taboos are addressed in the interviews:disabled people’s sexuality and disabled people’s feelings about the notion of‘cure’for disability.The interviewees’shifting perspectives concerning theses issues is explored by an interviewer who is blind since birth.The type and style of questions asked highlighted the diversity of individual experiences and perspectives on disability held by disabled people.Sweeney(2005:197)claims that the interviewer established rapport with the interviewees,‘‘grounded arguably in their shared identities as disabled people’’.While a certain amount of factual information would be expected in a programme about disability in order to answer possible questions of the overhearing audience,an almost exclusive focus on facts precludes re?ection of what is a hugely diverse and varied experience.Furthermore,questions that elicit largely factual information constrain the possibility of alternatives to the dominant disempowering models of disability from entering the discourse.

As in casual conversation,the interviewer casts himself in the role of relatively uninformed recipient but the third turn receipt objects that feature in casual conversation are absent in this context(Heritage,1985).The extract below illustrates these features of the discourse of the Interview Frame where the presenter controls the interview through the use of chains of question–answer sequences.

Q

P:well can I ask you what are the different ways of categorizing a person who is an amputee R M:

.hhh well the two main ways Dave are that you have people who have lost a limb through trauma falling such as falling off the back of a motorbike or having a forklift truck maybe roll into them (.)in a factory .hhh or ah (.)through ah medical problems such as diabetes or (.)ah vascular or cancer or something like that and that would tend to be older people .hhh and they are probably the majority of amputees C +NQ P:well we’ve moved a long way now from the days of Long John Silver and the wooden leg that people

see in the old movies or whatever (.)what actually is an arti?cial limb like

The presenter,operating in the Interview Frame asks a question ‘what are the different ways of categorizing a person who is an amputee.’In this instance,the directness of the question is mitigated somewhat by the use of ‘well can I ask you’.The question re?ects a medical orientation where the focus is on the categorization of people according to one physical feature –the absence of a limb as opposed to any exploration of the experience of being a person who has experienced amputation of a limb.At the same time,tension between a medical model orientation and the ‘individual experience of disability’perspective surfaces in the presenter’s lexical choice of ‘a person who is an amputee’which foregrounds the person rather than the disability.

The interviewee provides a multi-unit response in which medical information is foregrounded in lexical choice:‘trauma ...diabetes ...vascular or cancer’.Medical terms are used to describe a personal experience and the interviewee in his response is silent in terms of personal experience.This interviewee has been invited to the programme as someone with ?rst hand experience of having a limb amputated and he makes this explicit later in the interview by describing himself as:‘I’m an above knee left leg amputee ’,again re?ecting a medical model of disability.The movement between medical and more personal ways of representing the experience of events that happen to the body re?ect the complex,individual nature of the experience of disability –a complexity which is prevented from being revealed fully by the nature of the presenter’s questions and comments which are in turn constrained by the Programme Frame.The interviewee’s use of the presenter’s ?rst name is unusual and can be interpreted as lessening the power differential,albeit https://www.wendangku.net/doc/ed1380247.html,ing ?rst names resembles casual conversation more than interview talk but the presenter’s ensuing comment (‘well we’ve moved a long way now from the days of Long John Silver and the wooden leg that people see in the old movies or whatever (.)’)which functions as an introduction to his next question,reaf?rms that this is indeed an interview (‘what actually is an arti?cial limb like’)..

Question within the Interview Frame are designed to elicit information that may be of interest for an overhearing audience.Questions include for example:

‘can we enjoy all the traditional Christmas fare and still look after our health’

‘disability federation of Ireland John (.)big name (.)is that a big organization as well’

could you tell me more about what is commonly called NF’ ‘there are alternative treatments as well aren’t there’

When questions within the Interview Frame focus on an element of personal experience,the interviewer consistently maintains neutrality in his subsequent turn by returning to information seeking questions.This feature is seen in the extract below which is representative of a pattern throughout the data.The ?rst question seeks to elicit personal experience of arthritis.The interviewee’s turn is multi-unit,charting the course of her experience over 25years.The interviewer’s next question returns to safer ground –access to services,with the perspective of personal experience falling between the frames.

Q1:

P:well Mary’s listening to this (.)Mary you’re chairperson of the Mayo branch of the arthritis foundation .hhh how does the arthritis affect you Q2P:and being in Mayo I mean how easy is it to access services and treatment for arthritis

The nature and frequency of questions that focus exclusively on factual information function to preserve the neutrality of the presenter’s role so that the talk is distanced from the life experiences of the guests.The presenter’s role involves providing a channel through which information can be provided to the overhearing audience and he works through the talk to maintain that neutrality.This feature contrasts with the radio interviews of Sweeney’s (2005)study where the topics are taboo and the structure of the interviews permits a complex representation of the experience of

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M.-P.O’Malley/Journal of Pragmatics41(2009)346–356353 disability–a representation which is not facilitated to develop in Outside the Box.Fairclough(2001)suggests that when the more powerful participants constrain contributions by selecting particular discourse types,they are also involved in a self-constraint.‘Once a discourse type has been settled upon,its conventions apply to all participants, including the powerful ones’(Fairclough,1989:39).While more powerful participants can allow varying degrees of latitude to less powerful participants,this does not occur in the context of these conversations about disability. Interviewees’accounts of their experiences are constrained by questions that focus largely on eliciting factual information.While interviewees are given space to reveal personal information,the presenter’s role in its current format results in formulations that summarise the information considered important for the overhearing audience before he proceeds to the next question.The presenter’s role therefore does not allow for any real engagement with the person’s story and in terms of constructing alternative views of disability,nothing novel or challenging to the status quo emerges.Such an alternative view as proposed by Shakespeare(1996),in which disability is seen as an aspect of the human condition,part of the continuum of life experience,is not facilitated to emerge,in spite of this being a programme for and about people with disability.

One interview in the corpus stands out as containing a departure from the information seeking questions format that is typical in the programme.It is a live interview with a couple,exploring their experience of disability and relationships.The scene is set in the Presenter Frame:

P:Grace is a wheelchair user because of an accident involving a bicycle(.)about fourteen years ago she met Keith Hanlon(.)both are archers so perhaps it was inevitable that they.hhh should be willing targets for Cupid’s arrows(.)and we have the result of that as well we have baby Ruana who’s with us in studio as well(.)Grace forgive the corny introduction there but was it love at?rst sight

Disability is put on the agenda from the outset‘Grace is a wheelchair user’.The presenter begins with a broad focus on the circumstances of the couple’s meeting and early relationship.It is Keith who introduces the topic of disability and presents it as unproblematic(‘I suppose it it just makes no difference if if you see something you like you go for it anyway so’):

K:and ah I turned round to look to see what was happening the next thing wheelchair comes out of the car and I sort of go uh oh but(.)I suppose it it just makes no difference if if you see something you like you go for it anyway so

Gradually the presenter,now in the Interview Frame,narrows the focus to the relevance of Grace’s disability to the relationship:‘dating somebody and you’re a wheelchair user Grace so(.)does that(.)bring in different problems of going out to the cinema or restaurants or did you(?)anything like that’.The presenter repeatedly presents being a wheelchair user as potentially problematic through questions about the restrictive or negative impact of being a wheelchair user on various aspects of the couple’s life.His attempts to construct disability as a problematic aspect of the relationship can be seen in the extracts below.The interviewees repeatedly resist the interviewer’s assumptions and assert that Grace being a wheelchair user is unproblematic:

P:dating somebody and you’re a wheelchair user Grace so(.)does that(.)bring in different problems of going out to the cinema or restaurants or did you(?)anything like that

G:we just went ahead and(.)went out where ever we wanted we had no(.)misgivings about you know

G:and Keith was never shy about you know

P:[mm

G:[giving me a hand or asking somebody to move or you know if anything was in the way(.)it was(.)he was very much in in your face if you if something was

P:(laughs)

K:no I’m not

G:(laughs)if something wasn’t right or whatever

K:the the should be no stopping like you get out and you do what you want to do

In the extract above,following the presenter’s question which frames being a wheelchair user as problematic in the context of a relationship‘dating somebody and you’re a wheelchair user Grace so(.)does that(.)bring in different

problems of going out to the cinema or restaurants or did you (?)anything like that’,Grace and Keith present their experience as unproblematic:‘we just went ahead and (.)went out where ever we wanted we had no (.)misgivings about you know ’and ‘the the should be no stopping like you get out and you do what you want to do ’.

The presenter however continues to pose questions that re?ect a view of disability as problematic or dif?cult and the interviewees continue to resist this view and present the experience as not necessarily problematic as seen in the extract below:

P:

did anybody ever say it to you Keith you know (.)you’re going out with somebody in a wheelchair like you know you’re taking on an awful lot here d’you know what you’re getting yourself involved in K:well actually strangely enough my mother said it to me (.)and ah it it only through her own concern you know do

do I know what I’m gettin meself in for an the plain answer to it was yes

In the extract above the presenter again poses a question that re?ects a view of disability as problematic ‘did anybody ever say it to you Keith you know (.)you’re going out with somebody in a wheelchair like you know you’re taking on an awful lot here d’you know what you’re getting yourself involved in’and again Keith resists this formulation of their experience ‘do do I know what I’m gettin meself in for an the plain answer to it was yes’.This dance of perspectives continues throughout the interview with the uniqueness of individual experience being continually emphasized through the interviewees’repetition of the unproblematic nature of their experience.In the extract below,the presenter has introduced the topic of pregnancy and disability.His lexical choices re?ect a problematic view of disability (‘being pregnant in a wheel chair did that in itself bring more problems’)while Grace’s response puts forward an alternative viewpoint based on her ?rst hand experience (‘it worked out much easier than I thought you know’and ‘but it was ?ne really’).

P:

was that more dif?cult because of having a disability and (.)being pregnant in a wheel chair did that in itself bring more problems G:it was (.)I thought (.)it was going to be much harder but it worked out much easier than I thought you know was

(.)I had a lot of fear at the start how am I going to be able to transfer from the bed onto the chair an back into the car or whatever ahm (.)it did get a bit harder at the end but it was ?ne really

In the extract above,the participants continue to negotiate their perspectives on disability.The interviewer’s questions re?ect a view of disability as problematic while the interviewee’s response presents an alternative construction on the basis of direct experience.The interviewer has moved away from information seeking questions to an impairment based stance.The interviewees consistently resist his construction and present the reality of their individual experience as unproblematic.This constitutes quite a departure from the established dominant assumption of disability as lack or dif?culty and is an example of oppositional discourse introduced by interviewees drawing on their conversational resources in responding to the presenter’s questions in order to challenge dominant assumptions about disability.Although the interviewer does not comment on their responses but proceeds to the next question,the interviewees succeed in challenging the status quo .

3.Concluding remarks

This study attempts to capture the ways in which institutional discourse and constructions of disability interact.The micro-structure of the talk of a radio programme whose stated aim is to be ‘for and about people with disability’(www.rte.ie )is analysed to this end.As Scannell (1991)points out,radio talk has a double articulation.The talk that takes place between interviewers and interviewees is a communicative interaction between those participating in the talk and at the same time is designed to be heard by an absent audience.Consequently,the talk has listenable properties built into it.These listenable properties are identi?able in the Presenter Frame where the presenter controls proceedings by welcoming the audience,introducing the topics for the programme,introducing guests in a manner which construes them as possessing authority to comment on the topic and as worth listening to,closing topics,and bringing the programme to a close.The Interview Frame consists of live and recorded interviews which are characterized by being presenter controlled;they consist mainly of Question–Answer sequences which seek to elicit factual information.The emphasis on facts,and a distinctly medical orientation in the talk,result in discourse that

M.-P .O’Malley /Journal of Pragmatics 41(2009)346–356

354

M.-P.O’Malley/Journal of Pragmatics41(2009)346–356355 perpetuates the status quo wherein a one-dimensional view of disabled people’s lives is communicated.The stated aim of the programme is therefore sabotaged by the discourse(as frame theory demonstrates),with the complexity of the experience essentially falling between the frames.

Interviewees’responses are multi-unit and it is in these contributions that the diversity of experiences of disability is revealed.Interviewees describe their varying experiences of disabilities and various medical conditions.Their accounts re?ect the uniqueness of their subjective experience,display a sensitivity to language used to talk about disability,and bring the experience into the open;breaking the silence of institutional discourse by putting their experience on the record.Lupton and Seymour(2003:248)claim that people with disabilities are‘‘typically represented as Other,as visible evidence of the frail and constraining body and as constant reminders of mortality.’’In the context of this particular radio programme,the portrayal of people with disabilities as Other is ultimately perpetuated because the Presenter Frame and the Interview Frame preclude joint exploration of disability. Transcription conventions and abbreviations:

Adapted from Jaworski(2003)

[overlapping speech

(.)brief pause

.hhh audible in-breath

hhh.audible out-breath

(?)unclear text

sa-incomplete word

Q:question

NQ:new question

R:response

C:comment

F:formulation

H:headline

P:presenter

GP:guest presenter

I:interviewee

References

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Heritage,John,1985.Analyzing news interviews:aspects of the production of talk for an overhearing audience.In:van Dijk,T.(Ed.),Handbook of Discourse Analysis:Discourse and Dialogue,vol.3.Academic Press,London,pp.95–119.

Hutchby,Ian,1991.The organisation of talk on talk radio.In:Scannell,P.(Ed.),Broadcast Talk.Sage,London,pp.119–137.

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Oliver,Mike,1994.Politics and Language:Understanding the Disability Discourse.MA in Disability Studies Programme,Shef?eld. Oliver,Mike,1996.De?ning impairment and disability:issues at stake.In:Barnes,Colin,Mercer,Geof(Eds.),Exploring the Divide.The Disability Press,Leeds,pp.29–54.

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Oxford,pp.14–56.

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Mary-Pat O’Malley lectures in linguistics and speech and language impairments in the Speech and Language Therapy degree programme at the University of Ireland Galway.Prior to commencing in NUI Galway she worked as a speech and language therapist in a variety of health care settings.Research interests include discourse and silence in medical settings,the body and society,with particular interest in discourses of cosmetic surgery,narratives of health,illness,and disability,and multiculturalism in speech and language therapy.M.-P .O’Malley /Journal of Pragmatics 41(2009)346–356

356

amongbetween的区别用法全

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小村庄位于三座大山之间。 I saw something lying between the wheels of the train. 我看见火车轮子之间有什么东西。 五、涉及人或事物之间的区别以及人或事物之间的关系时,一般要用between。 We must find out the difference between the three companies. 我们必须查清这三家公司之间的区别。 The relations between various countries are very important. 各国之间的关系是很重要的。 六、表示“由于……合作的结果”时,要用between。 Between them they landed the fish. 他们协力把鱼拖上了岸。 Between the five companies the project was soon completed. 在五家公司的齐心协力下,这项工程不久就完成了。 七、当and连接三者或三者以上的人(物)而仍然强调两者的并列时,常用between。 The hospital lies between a river and hills. 医院坐落在一条河与群山之间。 The park lies between a road and the woods. 公园位于一条马路与树林之间。 八、在divide,share等表示“分享”之类的动词之后。若接一个表示三者或三者以上的复数名词时,用among或between均可。 The father divided his money among/between his three sons。

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