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中英文摘要及关键词

中英文摘要及关键词
中英文摘要及关键词

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The Dreamland of the Department Store—Commodified Fantasy and

Consumption Politics in the London Novels of Gissing, James, and Woolf

Urban modernity has habitually been conceived as a primarily male experience, with women excluded (except as the prostitute or the elusive Benjaminian passante) from modern public space. However, with the acceleration of a modern commodity culture since the late 19th century, there does seem a rapid expansion of acceptable public space for pleasurable consumption and rambling by unaccompanied, respectable women. The department store, as the ultimate destination and motivating force for women’s new en-masse public presence, is an important site where the ambivalent relationship between women and commodity culture, a crucial part of women’s experience of urban modernity and participation in the public sphere, is to be played out. This study locates its setting in London’s West End during the late 19th and early 20th century, where almost all London’s department stores congregate, and focuses on the representations in modern British urban novels of the intricate issues of the modern department store, commodity culture and female public identity.

The modern department store uses the latest technological development in color, light and glass production to highlight optical phantasmagoria and theatricalize the experience of shopping. With its maze-like display of an unprecedented variety of “dazzling and sensual” (Miller 167) goods intended to distract and dizzy its customers and arouse an insatiable desire of imagined ownership, the store vigorously promotes its image as a fantasy palace distant from mundane reality (Bronner112). In modern discourse, it is also seen as a “fairy grotto”, a “magic” realm “exempt from natural laws”, “preserving marvelous illusions” like the “stage” (Kraucauer 22), or the “dream houses of the collective”, promoting commodity fetishism and deluging the population with fantastical images that help to sunder them from consciousness of reality (Benjamin 1999: 403).1However, the department store is also a crucial site firmly embedded in the realities of urban modernity, an arena saturated with the

real-life strains of gender, class and race. The store’s transparent windows break the interior-exterior boundary –Benjamin calls that “revolutionary” (1985: 228), making it an extension of the public street outside, its free entry and fantastical displays of exotic goods from imperial expansion attracting throngs of heterogeneous crowds, turning the store into a stage and a microcosm of the real world of modernity. The

1Benjamin’s idea of commodity fetishism is derived from but differs from that of Marx. To Benjamin, it involves concepts like the deification of the industrial product and the eroticisation of the inanimate object, but commodities are not to be understood solely as the source and concrete manifestation of “false consciousness”, a mere product of ideological mystification attending economic exploitation. Instead, commodity fetishism also indicates a dream consciousness, a projection of unfulfilled utopian impulses and genuine aspirations. Thus, the department stores and its antecedent, the shopping arcade, apart from being a mesmerizing “dreamland”, also harbors, like the commodity fetishism they promote, utopian potentials of awakening. See Gilloch (1996) 116-31, (2002) 123-39.

store’s integrated “spectacle” (Debord 32) disguises its instrumental operating principle, that of buying and selling, which underlines its role as the key site reflecting the fundamental economic principle of the modern consumer society. Thus although the department store as a quasi-public space forms one of the most important outlets for domesticity-bound women into modernity’s public sphere by encouraging the public appearance of unaccompanied women (an image promoted by both the capitalists and, curiously, the feminists of that time through the many women’s magazines, suggesting in this sense a sort of complicity between the two), its interwining network of gender, class and race politics, its role as microcosm of real world rather than an Edenic dreamland, turns it into a site where the formation of women’s public identities are both enabled and endangered.

In contradiction with the importance of the department store (the Benjaminian “ur-landscape” of urban modernity), but also reflecting the relative late arrival of modern aggressive merchandizing in England as compared with America and France (Chaney 22-5), the subject of the department store has not received, in the literature of modernity in England, detailed attention, probably because of its association with consumption which has traditionally been feminized and trivialized in modern classical discourse. Literary treatment is found sporadically in the texts of modern writers with whom London is a favorite subject. This study places itself in the background of the recent increase of academic interest in the importance of consumption and in women’s role in urban modernity, and proposes to analyze the literary treatment of the subject of women and commodity culture in George Gissing’s In the Year of Jubilee (1895), The Whirlpool (1897), Henry James’s The Princess Casamassima (1908) and Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway (1925). The texts chosen were published with a space of about ten or so years between each other, but are all falling within the period roughly defined as modernity, and each reflecting a key stage in the growth of the modern department store in England. Gissing’s time marks the beginning of the shops’ experimentation with visual display, after the success of the 1851 Crystal Palace Exhibitions often dubbed the “first department store” (Richards 17). James’s work was published in a decade of domination of London’s Oxford Street by Harrods, the quintessential formal British store with paternalistic management and an upper-middle-class clientele. By the 1920s, stores like Woolf’s Army and Navy Stores had changed from a member-only club-style shop in the late 19th century to a commodity spectacle of shining window and raucous display catering to an “unfashionable” lower-middle-class clientele, thanks to the revolutionary impact of the American-owned Selfridge’s (Adburgham 148). All three writers locate women at the center of the modern department store and tackle women’s ambivalent relationship with the burgeoning commodity culture.

The Department store as a miniature Empire: shopping and the imperial tour: Research on consumption has mostly focused on the experience of the

middle-class female shopper especially concerning universalized issues of agency or passivity.2Having examined these issues in my last year’s NSC research project3, this study moves on to analyze three other types of female experience in the modern department store so as to achieve a greater awareness of socio-historical contextuality. The first concerns the female shopper and issues of Empire, and the second and third tackle the more liminal positions within the department store of the shopgirl/model and the economically disenfranchised shopper. Imperial expansion underwrites the exotic commodities and the touristy “oriental extravaganza” on display in the store, implying a role of complicity in the ideology of imperialism for the practice of consumption and shopping (Sibyl in Gissing’s The Whirlpool). While the store replicates a miniature Empire with its exotic displays, middle-class women’s shopping experience becomes a virtual exploratory Imperial Tour where they could be tourists to their own desires with an Empire at home. Thus whatever liberating effects on the formation of women’s public identity brought by their participation in modern commodity culture has to be further qualified by a deeper exploration into the possible colonial exploitation that might entail. The analysis of this first issue in Gissing’s novel will also be supported with references to contemporary historical data and shopping journals.

The Shopgirl: commodity, masquerade and labor

The rise of modern commodity culture has also provided public space employment and income for lower-middle-class women as shopgirls. Gissing’s and James’s novels portray the experience of the shopgirl who often also has to pose as the model for the display of commodities, usually clothes, but by the time of James’s “great store in Oxford Street” (Princess 67)--very likely Harrods--, a marked intensification in the commodification of the shopgirl’s body is discernible. The shopgirl is often conflictingly both the subject and object of commodity exchange. Mediating between customer and goods, she forms a triangle of desire with shopper

2Two approaches typify the academic scholarship on the female shopper. Marxist-informed scholars tend to emphasize women’s manipulation by masculinized producers through deception and commodity fetishism; recent scholarship tends to emphasize the positive potential of the shopping experience as contributing to the formation of a female public sphere and as harboring possibilities of resistance and agency by the consumer. See

3My last year’s NSC project, now in the form of a paper entitled “Women Entering the Cityscape: Streetwalking, Consuming Spectatorship and Turn-of-the-Century London in Gissing’s Urban Narratives”, and accepted by Chung-Wai Literary Monthly, basically argues that the en-mass presence of shopping and rambling women in turn-of-the-century London streets has problematized the masculine engendering of urban modernity. Their en-masse nature and their role as consumer have also entailed a change of research method from the Benjaminian theory of the individualistic and elitist flaneur to De Certeau’s theory of subversive use (including walking and consumption) of urban space by ordinary people.

and commodities, and becomes thus an important link in the modern shopping experience. Chosen often for their physical beauty to display the desired commodity, the shopgirl’s commodified body, the object of the customer’s fetishistic

worship/fantasy, draws them into uncomfortable proximity with the prostitute, who is seen by Benjamin (1999: 861) as the very embodiment of the commodified status of all workers (including the flaneur) in modern commodity culture. The customer’s fetishistic gaze fragments her body into discrete parts (hats, dress, etc.), threatening the materiality of her self. At the same time the shopgirl as commodity/object of gaze is capable, like the Benjaminian sandwichman, of observation and gazing back (Buck-Morss 111).4Their fashion expertise and ability of judging the status of customers give them a flaneur-like position of all-seeing authority (Nancy in Gissing’s The Year of Jubilee). Displaying ideal middle-class femininity yet on borrowed objects/clothes, the “passing” shopgirl/model epitomizes deconstructively the female masquerade and the performative nature of gender roles. Selling but also manipulating her bodily representations, the shopgirl attains a degree of

agency/subjectivity. However, such masquerade/self-fashioning should not ignore the material reality of the shopgirl’s body as a laboring cog in the economically exploitative machine of the department store, nor the intricate working of sexual and socio-economic politics within the “dream-land”. The shopgirl agrees to put her femininity on display while also having to forsake part of her female destiny (marriage and pregnancy leads to dismissal). To keep up the “aura” of their commodified body-display, the shopgirl is often forced to supplement their meager income with love-affairs with rich male clients (who want them because of their display) – thus again confirming that women consumer in order to display body for sexual objectification by men (Millicent in James’s Princess Casamassima). The shopgirl’s display of femininity could thus both endanger and enable the formation of their subjectivity.

The poorer shopper: the cost of fetishistic desire

Modern consumption is often seen as leading optimistically to the defusion of class tension and transgression of class boundaries (Cross, Johnson). The department store used to employ “floor-walkers” who advised customers but also drove out “false purchasers” (Princess 422). By Woolf’s 1920s, the Americanization of the “democratized” “walkabout” stores means that the poorer shopper were more free to

4Benjamin writes of the flaneur that “his last incarnation is as sandwichman” (562). Yet Susan

Buck-Morss (1986:122) also points out one fundamental difference between the two, despite the identification – “they remain the ‘other’ for him [the flaneur], a field of symbolic rather than experienced meaning.” She writes that for the flaneur, “projection … entails not the loss of self, but incorporation of the world as fantasy images within one’s own day-dreams (and then losing oneself in them) (italics original). Thus to equate the sandwichman’s or the whore’s sense of selfhood/agency that of the flaneur would be too risky and over-optimistic.

just look and turn the place into a warm, free, bright social center for meeting friends or for visual entertainment (In fact Selfridge’s actively promoted its image as the “community center”). But although the new commodity culture’s emphasis on surface/body-display threatens to blur class distinctions, with people dressed in ways disproportionate to their social rank and with the display of commodities, or Veblen’s “conspicuous consumption”, as the new indicator of status, there is another side to the apparently democratizing effects of commodity culture. With the department store’s power of arousing insatiable fetishistic desires on the consumer, the inability of desire-appeasing (however temporarily) through ownership leads to greater bitterness and gnawing awareness of the mocking counter-gaze of the commodity and the alterity of the self and its failure/lack (Miss Kilman’s disorientation and bitter confusion in Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway). Instead of the Benjaminian flaneur forgetting shame in the worship of commodity, the poorer shopper is doubly reminded of it, being rejected “empathy” by the commodity (Benjamin 1973: 55). Female commodity fetishism is traditionally seen as leading to the objectifying display of women for the benefit of men, but here another class dimension is inherent in the inability of the poorer female consumer to fully partake in the fetishism of the store, because this fetishism negotiates a sexual difference of class instead of the purely binary differences of gender. In this sense, the commodity (the petticoat in Miss Kilman’s case, highly eroticized code), with its cultural signification as well as status indication, takes on an “aura” that Benjamin has not seen as possible in the new era of mass production, albeit in a new sense based on exclusivity. The inability to possess the commodity//cultural capital denotes a harsher cultural rejection (in Kilman’s case a lack of a fulfilling female sexuality), and the aroused but thwarted desire finds a compensating outlet in (if not kleptomania) the indulgence of cheaper purchases (in Kilman’s case a devouring of cheap food), prolonging the economically crippling cycle of insatiable desire.

The above-mentioned three types of female experience in the modern department store are important parts in women’s participation in modern commodity culture, and provide crucial contextualized evidence to the ambivalent relationship between modern consumption and female public subjectivity. This project thus focuses on the literary representations of such female experience in the London novels of Gissing, James and Woolf, but also seeks to use other contemporary sources like women’s magazines, department-store’s in-house journals and historical data as supplementary materials, in order to unravel the embedded issues of consumption, modern urbanity, the scopic regime and their interaction with gender, class and race, all conflated in the discursive site of the modern department store.

中、英文摘要撰写规范及样例

中、英文摘要撰写规范及样例 1 摘要的定义 摘要是以提供文献内容梗概为目的、不加评论和补充解释、简明确切地记述文献重要内容的短文。它用来报道作者的主要研究成果,向读者提供论文中全部创新内容和尽可能多的定量或定性的信息。 摘要重点包括四要素:目的、方法、结果和结论。 2 摘要的撰写原则 1)论文摘要包括中文摘要和英文摘要。一般中文摘要可以有400字左右,少 也需要300字左右。中、英文摘要应一致(意思和内容一致,但无需逐字照译,做到信、达、雅)。 2)文字简明扼要,提取论文中重要内容,不含前言、背景等细节部分,去掉 旧结论、原始数据。采用第三人称表述,不用“我们”“作者”“笔者” “本文”等做主语。 3)摘要不得简单重复题名中已有的信息;不用非公知公用的符号和术语,缩略 语、缩写词、代号等在首次出现时必须加以说明;应采用法定计量单位,正确使用语言文字和标点符号;不使用特殊字符,也不使用图表和数学表达式;不列举例证。 3 摘要的四要素 1)目的——研究、研制、调查等的前提、目的和任务,所涉及的主题范围。 2)方法——所用的原理、理论、条件、对象、材料、工艺、结构、手段、装 备、程序等。 3)结果——实验的、研究的结果、数据,被确定的关系,观察结果,得到的 效果,性能等。 4)结论——结果的分析、研究、比较、评价、应用,提出的问题,今后的课 题,假设,启发,建议,预测等。

4 关键词 关键词是论文的检索标志,是表达文献主题概念的自然语言词汇,一般从论文的题名、摘要和正文中提取。每篇论文选取5~8个词作为关键词,将选出的关键词按照所涉及领域的范围从大到小顺序列出。首选主题词(索引规范化的词或词组),再选自由词(未规范化的词或词组)。 中、英文关键词分别置于中文摘要和英文摘要之下,每个关键词之间用分号隔开。 5 英文摘要的写作规范 5.1 英文摘要的时态 用过去时态叙述作者工作,用现在时态叙述结论。 如:"The structure of dislocation core in Gap was investigated by weak-be am electro microscope.(过去时叙述作者所做的工作) The dislocations are dissociated into two Shokley partials with separations of (80+10) and (40+10) A in the pure edge and screw cases respectively. " (现在时叙述研究的结论) 5.2 英文摘要的语态 主动语态和被动语态兼用。 5.3 英文摘要的文体风格 1)摘要第一句话切不可与题名(Title)重复。在EI中每篇摘要记录都是与题 名连排的,只是题名用黑体排印,因此可以认为题名便是摘要的第一句话。 2)用重要的事实开头,尽量避免用辅助从句开头。如:用"Power consumption of telephone switching systems was determined from data obtained

中英文摘要写作要求及格式

中、英文摘要写作要求及格式 1.摘要写作要求 摘要的内容要包括研究的目的、方法、结果和结论。计量单位一律换算成国际标准计量单位。除特殊情况外,数字一律用阿拉伯数字。中、英文摘要的内容应严格一致。 2.中文摘要 中文摘要前打印毕业论文(毕业设计)的标题。主标题一般不超过20个汉字。如有副标题,应另起一行(副标题前加破折号),副标题(包括破折号在内)同样不得超过20个汉字。 中文主标题格式:可选用本模板中的样式所定义的“论文中文主标题”,或手动设置(黑体,三号,居中,段前1行、段后0行,单倍行距)。 中文副标题格式:可选用本模板中的样式所定义的“论文中文副标题”,或手动设置(楷体_GB2312,四号,居中,段前0.5行,段后0行,单倍行距)。 中文标题下空一行为摘要。 “摘要:”格式:首行缩进2字符,黑体,小四。 “摘要:”后紧接摘要正文。字数在200字左右。 中文摘要正文格式:可选用本模板中的样式所定义的“中文摘要正文”,或手动设置(楷体_GB2312,小四,行距为固定值20磅)。 中文摘要正文后空一行,另起一行列出3-5个关键词。 “关键词:”格式:首行缩进2字符,黑体,小四。 “关键词:”后紧接关键词。关键词之间用分号间隔,最后一个关键词末尾不加标点。 中文关键词格式:楷体_GB2312,小四,行距为固定值20磅。 3.英文摘要 中文关键词下空两行打印毕业论文(毕业设计)的英文标题。英文主标题首字母大写,标题中其他单词实词首字母大写,其他均为小写。 英文主标题格式:可选用本模板中的样式所定义的“论文英文主标题”,或手动设置(Times New Roman,四号,加粗,居中,段前段后均为0行,单倍行距)。 英文副标题格式:可选用本模板中的样式所定义的“论文英文副标题”,或手动设置(Times New Roman,小四,加粗,居中,段前0.5行,段后0行,单倍行距)。 英文标题下空一行为英文摘要。 “Abstract:”格式:首行缩进2字符,Times New Roman,小四,加粗。

学术论文英语标题和摘要的撰写方法

学术论文英语标题和摘要的撰写方法 任何游戏都有自己的规则,只有遵循它的规则,参与的人才能够赢得胜利。为了能够让我校研究生更快的熟悉学位论文与科技学术论文的写作规范,笔者通过各种渠道搜集信息材料整理此篇——英文篇。 一、英文题名 题名的结构 英文题名以短语为主要形式,尤以名词短语(noun phrase)最常见,即题名基本上由1个或几个名词加上其前置和(或)后置定语构成。短语型题名要确定好中心词,再进行前后修饰。各个词的顺序很重要,词序不当,会导致表达不准。题名一般不应是陈述句,因为题名主要起标示作用,而陈述句容易使题名具有判断式的语义;且陈述句不够精练和醒目,重点也不易突出。少数情况(评述性、综述性和驳斥性)下可以用疑问句做题名,疑问句可有探讨性语气,易引起读者兴趣。 题名的字数 题名不应过长。国外科技期刊一般对题名字数有所限制。例如,美国医学会规定题名不超过2行,每行不超过42个印刷符号和空格;英国数学会要求题名不超过12个词。总的原则是,题名应确切、简练、醒目,在能准确反映论文特定内容的前提下,题名词数越少越好。 中英文题名的一致性 同一篇论文,其英文题名与中文题名内容上应一致,但不等于说词语要一一对应。在许多情况下,个别非实质性的词可以省略或变动。 题名中的冠词 科技论文题名中的冠词有简化的趋势,凡可用可不用的冠词均可不用。 题名中的大小写 题名字母的大小写有以下3种格式:全部字母大写;每个词的首字母大写,但3个或4个字母以下的冠词、连词、介词全部小写;题名第1个词的首字母大写,其余字母均小写。 题名中的缩略词语 已得到整个科技界或本行业科技人员公认的缩略词语,才可用于题名中,否则不要轻易使用。

英文Summary写作方法、范例及常用句式

摘要是对一篇文章的主题思想的简单陈述。它用最简洁的语言概括了原文的主题。写摘要主要包括三个步骤:(1)阅读;(2)写作;(3)修改成文。 第一步:阅读 A.认真阅读给定的原文材料。如果一遍不能理解,就多读两遍。阅读次数越多,你对原文的理解就越深刻。 B.给摘要起一个标题。用那些能概括文章主题思想的单词、短语或短句子作为标题。也可以采用文中的主题句作为标题。主题句往往出现在文章的开头或结尾。一个好标题有助于确定文章的中心思想。C.现在,就该决定原文中哪些部分重要,哪些部分次重要了。对重要部分的主要观点进行概括。 D.简要地记下主要观点——主题、标题、细节等你认为对概括摘要重要的东西。 第二步:动手写作 A. 摘要应该只有原文的三分之一或四分之一长。因此首先数一下原文的字数,然后除以三,得到一个数字。摘要的字数可以少于这个数字,但是千万不能超过这个数字。 B. 摘要应全部用自己的话完成。不要引用原文的句子。 C. 应该遵循原文的逻辑顺序。这样你就不必重新组织观点、事实。 D. 摘要必须全面、清晰地表明原文所载的信息,以便你的读者不需翻阅原文就可以完全掌握材料的原意。 1 / 19

E. 写摘要时可以采用下列几种小技巧: 1) 删除细节。只保留主要观点。 2) 选择一至两个例子。原文中可能包括5个或更多的例子,你只需从中筛选一至二个例子。 3) 把长段的描述变成短小、简单的句子。如果材料中描述某人或某事用了十个句子,那么你只要把它们变成一两句即可。 4) 避免重复。在原文中,为了强调某个主题,可能会重复论证说明。但是这在摘要中是不能使用的。应该删除那些突出强调的重述句。 5) 压缩长的句子。如下列两例: “His courage in battle might without exaggeration be called lion-like.” 可以概括为:”He was very brave in battle.” “He was hard up for money and was being pressed by his creditor.” 可以概括为:“He was in financial difficulties.” 6) 你还可以使用词组代替整句或者从句。请看下面的例子:“Beautiful mountains like Mount Tai, Lushan Mountain, and Mount Huang, were visited by only a few people in the past. Today, better wages, holidays with pay, new hotels on these mountains, and better train and bus services, have brought them within reach of many who never thought of visiting them ten years ago.” 2 / 19

学术论文写作格式要求英文摘要常用句型

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英文摘要要求

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关于学术论文英文摘要写作技巧

关于学术论文英文摘要写作技巧 下面是关于学术论文英文摘要写作技巧,欢迎阅读借鉴,希望对你们有帮助。摘要,作为一篇学术论文中的部分,对一篇文章的成功有着举足轻重的作用.通过浏览一篇好的文章的摘要,能够让读者大致了解到本文所提出的问题,所采取的解决方法以及其结果.而国际性刊物一般都要求以国际性语言英语写作,就是在中国,现在很多重要的刊物也都要求必须有相应的英文摘要.现在在很多重要国际会议上,是先让你把英文摘要给完成,他们直接根据摘要来决定你的文章是不是可以考虑录用,英文摘要的好坏决定了学术论文能否顺利的进行国际的交流,由此可以看出英文摘要的重要性.从这个意义上,作为一名学者,应该掌握英文摘要的写作方法. 下面作者结合两篇英文摘要对英文摘要的具体写作进行分析研究,并结合国际性学术刊物上发表论文所要求的英文摘要特点,谈谈英文摘要的写作方法. 下面两篇摘要第一篇是摘自国外学者写的,第二篇是摘自一名国内在校博士写的.通过对这两篇摘要进行对比分析研究,让我们更加明确的了解英文摘要的写作规范. 1(Written in original English)This paper describes a new “modifiedpulse arc evaporation process”which represents a combination of both d.c. And pulse cathodic arcs. The aim is to

give a comparative overall view. The paper reports on measurements of spot movement on the target, arcvoltage response and ion current under different electric conditions, suchas current magnitude, current changing rate and pulse duration. There arepossibilities to improve the target consumption; to reduce the upperstability limit; and to increase the spot velocity, the bias current densityin the pulse phase and the plasma power. For optical measurements ofspot movement a new high-speed video camera was used. 2(Written by Chinese student in English) Every machining techniqueleads to distinguishing surface feature and precision characteristic. Thenon -traditional finish machining can improve the surface quality andprecision of parts. The improvement of these can advance the performanceand life of parts. The non-traditional machining has its superiority. 英文摘要大体上包括四个部分: 研究目的、方法、结果、结论. 研究目的主要说明作者写此文章的目的或主要解决的问题,表明研究的范围和重要性;研究的方法主要是提出解决问题的方法以及主要工作过程;研究的结果则是作者在此研究过程最后得到的结果;结论是说明该研究结果的实际应用价值.

中英文摘要编写规范

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中英文摘要和正文

要 随着时代的发展,人们对纺织品的要求也已经不再仅仅局限于实用。激烈的国际竞争逼使纺织企业采用高新 技术重视绿色工艺,开发环保产品则已成为新世纪市场竞争的新焦点。欧共体的Eco-label 倡导的是全生态的概念,欧盟委员会(2002/371/EC )生态标准中,在纺织纤维中列出腈纶纤维的考核指标:原料纤维中丙烯腈的残留量应低于1.5mg/kg 。 丙烯腈是一种有毒物质,且有致癌作用。其极毒,对温血动物的毒性约为氰化氢的1/30。丙烯腈不仅蒸气有毒,而且附着于皮肤上也易经皮肤中毒。长时间吸入稀丙烯腈蒸气,则能引起恶心、呕吐、头痛、疲倦和不适等症状。由此可见,丙烯腈直接危害着人们的健康。 本文依照欧盟(2002/371/EC )生态标准对腈纶纤维中丙烯腈残留量的控制,通过试验论证,确立了采用顶空固相微萃取和色质联用技术(HS —SPME —GC/MS ),由此建立腈纶纤维中丙烯腈残留量的测定方法。该方法具有操作简单,便捷,灵敏度高,准确性好的优点,而且仪器价格适中,便于推广。本文实验所使用的方法检测限低于0.5mg/kg ,回收率在86.2~ 关键词:腈纶,丙烯腈,残留量,气相色谱/质谱

competition, developing environmentally safe products has already become the new focus of the market competition in the new century. What Eco-label of European Community is advocated is all ecological concept , in the ecological standard of EU Committee (2002/371 / EC ), list the examination index of the fibre of the acrylic fibres in the dope-dyed fiber: The residue amount of the acrylonitrile should be lower than 1.5mg/kg in the raw materials fibre. The acrylonitrile is a kind of noxious substance extremely poisonous , the toxicity to the warm-blooded animal is about 1/30 of the hydrogen cyanide. Not only the vapour is poisonous for the acrylonitrile , but also adhere to the skin book of changes skin is poisonned. Suck the vapour of the rare acrylonitrile for a long time, can cause such symptoms as the nausea , vomitting , have a headache , tired and uncomfortable ,etc. . Therefore, the acrylonitrile is endangering people's health directly. Describe the HS-SPME-GC/MS procedure of determination method for acrylonitrile residue in acrylic fibre according to the limit control of European (2002/371/EC). The method provided very good linearity data. This method is easy to operate, highly sensitive and lower cost, easy to be extend. The limits of detection were below 0.5mg/kg, Acerage recovery between 86.2~98.6%.

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英文摘要写作格式和输入规范要求

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