Chinese and Western Thinking on Translation

Chinese and Western Thinking on Translation

In the following pages I shall make an attempt at comparing Chinese and Western thinking about translation. Obviously, I am far more familiar with western approaches than with Chinese thinking on the subject; what interests me mainly here, however, is translation itself. Precisely because histories of translation are increasingly being produced, we are now able to begin to historicize [ ????????????? ] vt.使历史化,使具有历史真实性, 把…作为史实记录(或表述) the phenomenon of translation itself. In consequence, we are also able to move away from the normative (Of, relating to, or prescribing a norm or standard: 标准的, 规范的或标准的) approach that has obstructed

(To impede, retard, or interfere with; hinder: 妨碍拖后、使缓慢或干预；滞后：) our view of translation for so long.

Different cultures have tended to take translation for granted, or rather, different cultures have taken the technique of translating that was current at a given time in their evolution for granted and equated it with the phenomenon of translation as such. Histories of translation in the West have shown increasingly that the technique of translating in Western cultures has changed repeatedly over the centuries, and that what was accepted as 'obvious, at one particular time was, in fact, little more than a passing (Of brief duration; transitory 短暂的, 一时的) phase. The important point is that shifts and changes in the technique of translating did not occur at random. Rather, they were intimately linked with the way in which different cultures, at different times, came to terms with the phenomenon of translation, with the challenge posed by the existence of the Other and the need to select from a number of possible strategies for dealing with that Other. We are, therefore, finally beginning to see different methods of translating as well as different approaches to translational practice as contingent ([ ???????????? ] adj. Happening by chance or accident; fortuitous. [ ??????◆??????? ]偶然的, 偶然或意外发生的；偶然的; 可能发生的, 附随的, 暂时的), not eternal, as changeable, not fixed, because we are beginning to recognise that

they have, indeed, changed over the centuries. Paradoxically [ ????????????● ] adj.荒谬的, 自相矛盾的, once it is accepted that translation is contingent [ ??????????? ]adj.可能发生的, 附随的, 暂时的, it becomes possible to highlight the central position it has always occupied in the development, indeed the very definition of cultures. That contingency is even easier to see when two different traditions are compared. Such a comparison may, I believe, shed light not just on the two traditions, but ultimately also on the phenomenon of translation itself.

In what follows I shall not discuss the activity of translating, the actual process that leads to the production of translated texts in the field delimited by the language pair

Chinese and English. Rather, I shall consider what I would like to call 'translational practice both in the Chinese and Western traditions. By translational practice I mean a practice that integrates (vt. To make into a whole by bringing all parts together; unify.使成整体, 使一体化,) the actual activity of translating into itself. It precedes that

activity (translating) in that it gives certain guidelines (指导方针), whether these are followed by particular translators or not, that (guidelines) are themselves the product of thinking about the process of translation within a culture. Translational practice also follows (追随) the process of translating, since it plays a part in the reception of translated texts in the culture, or cultures for which they are intended.

In short, translational practice is one of the strategies a culture devises for dealing

with what we have

l earned to call 'the Other?. The development of a translational strategy therefore also provides good indications of the kind of society one is dealing with. The fact that China, for instance, developed translational strategies only three times in its history, with the translation of the Buddhist scriptures from roughly the second to the seventh centuries AD, with the translation of the Christian scriptures starting in the sixteenth century AD, and with the translation of much western thought and literature starting in the nineteenth century AD, says something about the image of the Other dominant in Chinese civilisation, namely that the Other was not considered very important. Nor is China, as was sometimes erroneously believed, alone in that respect. A much more extreme example is provided by Classical Greece, which showed no interest in the Other, did not develop any thinking about translation and hardly translated anything at all.

A first and very tentative generalisation could run as follows: cultures that see themselves as central in the world they inhabit, are not likely to deal much with Others, unless they are forced to do so. The Greeks were forced to do so by the Persian invasion first, which they successfully rebuffed (To repel or drive back. [ ]阻止，抵制) and could therefore afford to ignore, and then by the Roman occupation

which they could ignore no longer. Yet they did not suffer much, because their language and culture were highly valued by their conquerors. The Chinese were forced to deal with the Other by the spread of Buddhism, which did not threaten the fabric of society, and therefore could be acculturated rather easily on the terms of the receiving, Chinese society. This is apparent not just from the manner of translating, but even more so from the fact that Taoist concepts were used in translations to acculturate Buddhist Concepts. The story was not very different in the nineteenth century: Yan Fu (Yan Fu (Yen Fu) 1854-1921 Translator, writer and late-Qing reformist. Born in Fujian, Yan Fu initially received an education in the Confucian classics, but in 1867 passed the entrance exams to the naval academy in Fuzhou. After five years there learning English, modern sciences and navigation, he was selected for advanced professional training overseas in 1877 and attended the Greenwich Naval College for two years. On his return, Yan Fu became involved in the reform movement, writing essays for various newspapers. In 1887, he published his translation of a part of Thomas Huxley's Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays, the

first of a series of important translations Yan made over a decade. In late life, Yan wrote commentaries on the Wang Bi text of the Daode jing and Zhuangzi. He also wrote poetry in the shi and ci forms) and Lin Shuh could still translate into classical Chinese, following the tradition created by their predecessors, and translate on Chinese terms. Only the abolishing of classical Chinese as the language of communication between officials, literati ([ ?●??????????? ???????? ]

n.文人, 文学界), and intellectuals, and the concomitant ([ ???????????] adj.Occurring or existing concurrently; attendant. 伴随的同时发生或共存的；相伴的) rise

of Western influence in China rendered this strategy of acculturation impossible in the twentieth century.

Cultures that do not pay much attention to the Other are not just cultures that consider themselves central in the great scheme of things; they are also cultures that are relatively homogeneous ([ ?????◆????????? ] adj. Of the same or

similar nature or kind:同类的, 相似的), as is borne out in the case of both classical

Greek and Chinese cultures. Cultures that are relatively homogeneous tend to see their own way of doing things as …naturally', the only way, which just as naturally becomes the 'be st?way when confronted with other ways. When such cultures themselves take over elements from outside, they will, once again, naturalise them without too many qualms ([ ????? ????? ] n.疑虑An uneasy feeling about the propriety or rightness of a course of action.) and too many restrictions. When Chinese translates texts produced by Others outside its boundaries, it translates these texts in order to replace them, pure and simple. The translations take the place of the originals. They function as the originals in the culture to the extent that the originals disappear behind the translations, not least because (= there were several reasons but this was an important one相当重要的原因是) many of those who participated in Chinese culture

did not know the language or languages of the original, which made it very difficult indeed even to check what the translators were actually doing.

The homogeneity ([ ????◆?????????? ] n.同种, 同质, 同次性) of a culture

is also a matter of the number of participants in that culture and, as importantly, a matter of how we describe that culture. Again, the similarities between Chinese and classical Greek culture are instructive in this respect. Throughout China's history, up to the beginning of this century, the number of those who really participated in the literate culture was small, which would also help to explain why it was relatively easy to maintain uniform standards for what would be acceptable to that audience, also in the matter of writing style and diction (Choice and use of words in speech or writing. 措词讲话或书写中，对词的使用或选择). In classical Greece, as is well known, slaves far outnumbered the free men (women were not really included) who participated in literate culture. The audiences developed differently in China and the West, however. Throughout the vagaries ([ ????????? ???????? ]unpredictable change: an

unpredictable or eccentric change, action, or idea 变幻莫测the vagaries of the weather) of history, those audiences kept expanding in the West, as opposed to China.

It should not come as much of a surprise, in the light of (In consideration of; in relationship to. 鉴于；基于对…的考虑) the above, that translation activity arose in the West in cultures that were not homogeneous (Of the same or similar nature or kind: 同类的, 相似的) that were, in fact, internally divided by linguistic differences, or certain degrees of bilingualism. Yet in both the Western and the Chinese traditions, translation activity seems to have begun with the interpretation of spoken, rather than the translation of written text. This is important for at least two reasons. One, though not the most important, is that translation activity does not find its origin in the translation of sacred, or even literary texts, but in the translation of oral communications that concern trade. This situation emphasizes the importance of the interpreter (as we shall be calling the translator for now as a person), as a mediator. It also stresses the importance of the actual situation in which interpretation takes place.

At the origins of translation in both traditions, communication was more direct and feedback more immediate than in later, translating situations. The important point was for both interlocutors ([ ?????????●???◆?? ] n.对话者, 对谈者) to understand each other, and the translator/interpreter would consider his task to be accomplished successfully when that understanding had indeed taken place. Of course it was much easier for the interpreter to gauge ([ ???? ] v.测量) understanding in any given situation and it was perhaps easiest of all to do so in the situation of a commercial transaction. To accomplish his task successfully, the interpreter often could not afford to translate literally, word for word. In many cases interpreters would just convey the gist of what one partner in the conversation said to the other, they would quietly convert weights and measures (分量与分寸), silently adjust cultural expectations. Small wonder that interpreters would, in those days as they still do now, build up a clientele ([ ??●?????????● ] n.诉讼委托人, 客户) based on their reputation, which would of course in turn be based on their performance. But the significant point is that the client could not really judge the quality of the performance, only its results: interpreters that helped strike a good deal were good interpreters, no matter how they might have distorted what had actually been said. Traces of this early attitude toward interpreters still lingers in Horace's famous phrase 'fidus interpres' as used in his Ars Poetica, where the fidus does not mean 'faithful to the original, or even to the wording of the original?, as it has been interpreted in the light of subsequent developments, but rather something like 'dependable, someone who won't let you down?.

In this early translation process, there was not much time for correction, nor for

agonizing (To make a great effort; struggle.力争；苦斗; 做很大的努力；斗争) over the translation: once done, it was finished, and was seen to be transient and dependent on a particular situation. It was not etched ([???]To cut into the surface of (glass, for example) by the action of acid. Carve; engrave蚀刻用酸蚀刻（玻璃的）表面) in stone, or inscribed (To write, print, carve, or engrave (words or letters) on or in a surface. 刻，写，雕在表面上写，印，刻或雕上（词或字母）) in clay, as it would soon be in Sumer

([ ?◆????]古代幼发拉底河下游一地区region at the lower reaches of Euphrates

[ ?◆?????????? ] n.幼发拉底河) and Akkad ([ ????? ] 古巴比伦阿卡德区) .

It is my contention ([ ?????????? ] n. An assertion put forward in argument. 论点论证中提出的主张; 争夺, 争论, 争辩, 论点) that the Chinese and the Western tradition have developed away from the primal (Being first in time; original; primeval.最初的，原始的；远古的) interpreting situation along two very different, perhaps even diametrically ([??????????????●?] adv 完全地；全然地；直接地) opposed tracks. The Chinese tradition, which I will allow to end, for the purpose of this Paper, with Yan Fu and Lin Shuh?s 19th century translations has tended, on the whole, to stay closer to the interpreting situation. It has, consequently, attached comparatively less importance to the …faithful?translation that became such a central notion in the thinking on translation that arouse in the West.

The reason why the West moved so radically away from the interpreting situation are no doubt many. In his history of translation in the west, Vermeer lists three: firstly that the society in which translation arose in the West that of Sumer and Akkad, was bilingual to start with, not homogeneous. The Sumerian ([ ?◆?????????? ?????? ]n.闪族人[语] adj.闪族人[语]的) civilisation, which had flourished earlier, from about the middle of third millennium BC, was soon (and for good around 2024BC) overrun by the Akkadians

([ ?????????? ?????? ] n.阿卡得人(语) adj.阿卡得人(语)的) , but for a long time afterwards Sumerian continued to be used as the language in which sacred texts were written and the language in which knowledge was communicated. The need for translation therefore became obvious. Yet translation was not easy, because Sumerian, which has not been linked to any other known language, and Akkadian, which is a Semitic ([ ????????? ????? ]闪族人[语]的) language, were very

different, a situation that did not obtain in the case of classical Chinese and its non-standard variants, nor in the case of the various dialects spoken in the Greece of the classical era.

Again, there is more at stake (adv.危如累卵, 危险) here than the difference between the two languages and the degree of difficulty in translation. Since the two languages, for all their differences, continued to be used side by side, and since Sumerian remained the prestige language, whereas Akkadian was more the language used for everyday life, the Sumerian original of the Akkadian translation never disappeared from the consciousness of the whole culture. Rather, the opposite happened: the original always remained as the timeless touchstone (n.试金石, 标准), the

hierarchically ([ ?????????????● ] adj.分等级的) and hieratically

([ ???????????●] adj.僧侣的, 僧侣用的) privileged one whenever original and translation were compared. Vermeer argues that the translation was never intended to replace the original, merely to supplement it, and then only for those who could not read the original, a fact that also contributed to the inferior social and cultural status of the translation and the translator.

However, this statement requires some modification. As long as translation took place mainly in the interpreting situation, the skills of the translator/interpreter were obviously on display, and s/he did enjoy a higher social status, not least because the fact that s/he was able to switch languages, and therefore to utter something that must have sounded akin (Having a similar quality or character; analogous 同类的；近似的; 有相同的性质或特点的；相似的) to magical formulas to those unfamiliar with the language s/he happened to be speaking at any given moment, situated him or her if not in, at least close to the realm of magic. It is only with the rise of the concept of the faithful translation, which led to the concept of translating, that the status of the translator fell in the West. It is easy to see why: anyone can match words from word lists. Yet from Sumer and Akkad onwards, a translation always remained what Germans call a “Fremdkorper?, a foreign body in the receiving language, as it first was in the Akkadian language, because it was always marked as a translation, and the original always remained a foreign body in the whole culture because it remained inaccessible to a majority of those who were, after all, included in that culture.

The analogy ([ ????●???? ] n.类似, 类推) with China is beguiling

([??????●] Vt 欺骗；诱骗) at first sight, but superficial ([ ??◆????????● ]

adj.表面的, 肤浅的, 浅薄的) at best, for reasons stated earlier. The real analogy is first with the European Middle Ages, and second with Europe and, gradually, the rest of the world after the Renaissance ([ ?????????? ] (??? ??????????]). in the Middle Ages, Latin occupied a position analogous ([ ????●???? ] adj.类似的, 相

似的, 可比拟的) to that of Sumerian, that of the prestige language, whereas the various national languages, then still called 'vernaculars ([ ???????◆●? ] The

standard native language of a country or locality. adj.本国的)?meaning literally 'languages of slaves, which is rather obvious in its implication about their cultural status, were in a position analogous to that of Akkadian. After the Renaissance, and in the centuries that followed, Latin was gradually superceded (vt.代替, 取代) as a prestige language, first by French and then by English, but the basic equation remained the same, outside France and England, of course.

There is a further analogy that does bear on China, though, as well as on Sumer/Akkad and medieval ([ ??????????● ] adj.中世纪的) and post-renaissance Europe: in each of these cultures there existed a class, or caste (:[ ? ??] )of literati, at first priests only, later priests and scribes (A public clerk or secretary, especially in ancient times.文牍书记; 公职人员或秘书，尤指在古代) and what we would now generally and generically call 'intellectuals?, who had a vested interest (vested rights 既得权利) in keeping the prestige language to themselves because it gave them access to power, and kept that power away from the vast majority of those who did not have the same access. The major difference is that whereas the Sumerian/Akkadian system collapsed after about ten centuries, and the Various European systems mentioned even faster than that, the Chinese system endured much longer, surviving the collapse of discrete ([?????????] Consisting of unconnected distinct parts. 不连续的由互不关联的部分构成的) forms of political organisation, such as individual dynasties, and maintaining itself in power until the beginning of the twentieth century.

One might say that whereas the Chinese system that ensured the political and cultural dominance of the prestige language lasted until the beginning of the twentieth century in a more or less intact ([???????] adj.未受影响的, 未减少的Remaining

sound, entire, or uninjured; not impaired in any way.完好的) form, until it suddenly collapsed from within, attempts to realise a similar system in the West met with progressively more and more limited success. Even though the Roman Catholic Church tried to ensure that the Bible, its sacred text, would be available only in Latin in Western Europe, partial transtations of it in several national languages already appeared around the year 1000, eroding ([ ????◆? ] vt.侵蚀, 腐蚀, 使变化) the

dominance of Latin. Successor prestige languages such as French and English did not have the power to limit their own distribution to anywhere near the same extent as classical Chinese.

In Sumer / Akkad translation was assisted by the fact that both languages used the same writing system: the cuneiform ([ ??◆???????? ] adj. Wedge-shaped. 楔形的, 楔状骨的, 楔形文字的) system invented by the Sumerians. The same sign sequence would signify …house? in both Sumerian and in Akkadian, but in Sumerian it

would be pronounced gal and in Akkadian it would be pronounced bitu. Similarly, the number 5 is, to this day, pronounced wu in Mandarin Chinese and ng in Cantonese. Yet precisely the existence of this common writing system leads us indirectly to the first reason given by Vermeer as to why the West moved away so radically (radical

[ ??????●] adj. 基本的, 根本的; 重要的, 主要的; 固有的; 完全的, 彻底的) from the

interpreting situation: the emergence (emerge: To come into existence ) of the word as the unit of translation. Vermeer links that emergence to the compilation of word lists in Sumer/Akkad. Because of the bilingual nature of Sumero-Akkadian culture these word lists were naturally bilingual, and they were compiled centuries before Hsu Shu's Shuo-wen the first Chinese dictionary. Even though these word lists were limited to words used in rituals and words needed for the transmission of knowledge, the very fact of their compilation, Vermeer suggests, was enough to focus attention on the word in the sense just mentioned.

Yet it was not so much the emergence of the word as the unit of translation that was responsible for the radical split between Chinese and Western thinking on translation, as the concomitant ([ ???????????? ] adj. Occurring or existing

concurrently; attendant. 伴随的同时发生或共存的；相伴的; 伴随的) decontextualization

(contextualize: [ ???????????●???] vt. To place (a word or idea, for

example) in an appropriate context. 将(音素、单词等)置于上下文中研究( 通过介绍来龙去

脉) 使( 事件、活动等) 溶入背景) of that word. Once the word is written and once item be equated with another word, once it can, in fact, be abstracted from an actual situation in which two interlocutors ([?????●?????????] Someone who takes part in a conversation, often formally or officially. 对话者参加谈话的人，通常是正式地或

官方地) converse through a translator/interpreter, that translator may well be content with just matching words, no matter whether they will fit their new situation or not, the more so since he will not have to contend with any immediate feedback from his interlocutors who are now absent, and will, at best, criticise the translation (much) later, a factor which will also lessen the impact of that feedback on the translator. Vermeer suggests that a second reason for the emergence of faithfulness as the dominant criterion of translation in Western thinking about the subject is to be found in the identification (同一, 等同, ) of the grammatical unit …word', as discovered in Sumer/Akkad with the Platonic ([ ?●??????? ] adj.柏拉图哲学的, 柏拉图主义的, 理

想的, 不切实际的) concept of the 'logos?([ ?●???◆ ] n.标识语), no doubt aided and abetted (To approve, encourage, and support (an action or a plan of action); urge and help on. 教唆，煽动同意、鼓动、支持（行动或行动计划）；怂恿并帮助) by the fact that the grammatical unit 'word?was also referred to as 'logos? in classical Greek. In Vermeer's words: 'What was expressed by means of the word was posited “objectively” as an

invariable object, as the tertium comparationis (the third, middle element in the comparison), which was the same beyond all individual languages. Translation therefore became linguistic transcoding?(Vermeer, 1992).

In the West translation became much more of a linguistic transcoding independent of a particular situation and with little regard for a particular readership than it ever become in China, where what Vermeer calls …functionally thinking rhetoric?(Vermeer, 1992) remains much stronger. Chinese translators did translate with a certain audience in mind, and they would rhetorically adapt their translations to that audience. Perhaps the most arresting negative illustration of this practice is to be found in Yan Fu's famous statement that if people who had not read the Chinese classics were to read his translations, they would not understand them, but that 'was the fault of the readers and the translator is not to blame, (Vermeer, 1992), because those readers are not the readers for whom the translator rhetorically shaped his translation. Significantly, the fact that those readers exist is indicative of a widening of the audience beyond what had existed for so many centuries.

The Platonic ([ ?●??????? ] adj.柏拉图哲学的, 柏拉图主义的, 理想的, 不切实际

的) logos ([ ●????] n.理念, 理性, 圣子), then, decisively devalued what the rhetoric of Western Classical Antiquity, which plays a rather large part in Vermeer's book, referred to in Greek as 'to prepon', 'that which is fitt ing to a given situation?, implying that there is no 'absolute? truth, that the truth is always, at least to some extent, dependent on the situation at hand or, to put it in more linguistic terms, that although words may have meanings that can be fixed in word lists, these words acquire their actual meanings only in a given situation.

The West?s fixa tion on the word was further reinforced by another transformation of the Platonic logos, from abstract to anthropomorphic ([ ????????◆??????? ] adj.神、人同形同性论的), when what was the abstract 'tertium comparationis' became merged with the Hebrew ([ ??????◆? ] n.希伯来人) Yahweh or Jah·veh. This proper name for God is rendered as LORD or GOD (in small capitals to distinguish it from Adonai ([ ????????] n.<希伯来>上帝,我主), another word translated as "Lord") in most modern translations of the Bible.) and the Christian God came into being.

It cannot be emphasized enough that like His Hebrew counterpart, the Christian God has both His lenient and His less lenient sides, which means His wrath (Forceful, often vindictive anger. 愤怒、愤慨强烈的、常常是想复仇的愤怒) is not to be trifled with, least of all by translators trying to translate His own words as written down in the holy scriptures. The ultimate power with which the Western translator of holy scriptures has to contend ([ ???????] Vi （常与with连用）竞争；争取) is therefore God Himself, and the power He has is not just a power of life and death, but a power that goes even beyond death itself and can give salvation or damnation. Needless to say, the ultimate presence behind the Buddhist holy sciptures, the Buddha himself, is very different

from the Christian God in this respect. This may also go some way in explaining why Chinese thinking about translation is less beset with anxiety and guilt feelings than its Western counterpart. Early on, translators of the Buddhist scriptures learned to live with the fact that their translations were done by mortals ([ ?????● ] n. A human

being. 凡人, 人类) and would therefore of necessity be imperfect. We do not find

anywhere near the same sense of equanimity

([ ?????????????? ?????? ] n. The quality of being calm 镇定) in

Western thinking on translation.

Eusebius Hieronymus (St Jerome), his predecessors ([ ??????????? ]n.前辈,

前任) and his detractors ([????????????] n.诽谤者, 恶意批评者) all firmly believed that the scriptures they were translating were inspired by God himself, were therefore true beyond all dispute, and should be rendered into the target language ideally unchanged, and in practice with as little change as possible. If taken at face value, as it was for a long time in the West, certainly in the translation of Bible which became, in turn,

the touchstone for all other kinds of translation, this requirement amounts to an impossible demand.

This may explain why so many prefaces to translations in the Western tradition are fundamentally apologetic in tone. Translator after translator begins by stating that the task ahead is impossible and then proceeds to apologise profusely ([ ??????????●? ] adv.丰富地) for not being able to perform this impossible

task.

Because of this fundamental opposition between the two traditions, Chinese thinking about translation is able to historicise its originals in ways Western thinking about translation was never able to, as long as translation of the Bible was kept in the theological ([ ????●??????● ] adj.神学的, 神学上的) sphere. No statement in

the early stages of the Western tradition is able to echo Dao'an's statement to the effect that 'the Saint must preach in deference to (in deference to 遵从, 听从; 考虑

到, 鉴于) the conventions (习俗, 惯例) of his time. The conventions change with time, (Book 55,52).

For the same reason, it would have been literally inconceivable for St. Jerome to emulate ([ ????◆●??? ] imitate n.仿效) the strategy Chinese translators of the Buddhist scriptures used from the days of Zhi Qian onwards, namely to borrow concepts from Laotzu (Laotzi) to acculturate Buddhist concepts into Chinese, even though other Church Fathers had done something very similar before him, namely to achieve a (what they hoped would be) balanced mixture between the emerging teachings of Christianity, as formulated (To express in systematic terms or concepts.

用公式表述或简述; 用系统的概念或术语阐述) by Paul as much as by Christ himself, and the basic tenets ([ ???????? ?????? ] n. An opinion, doctrine, or principle held as being true by a person or especially by an organization. 宗旨一个人尤指一个组

织所坚信的信念、理念或原则) of Greek philosophy with which they had been familiar from childhood onwards. They were able to do so in the form of a commentary (A series of explanations or interpretations. 解说词；评论一系列的解释或说明), a treatise ([ ???????? ????????] A systematic, usually extensive written discourse on a subject. 专题论文关于一个主题系统的，通常是比较长的书面论文), or any other form of writing about the text, but they would not have dreamed of doing so in the shape of translation, which can be seen to alter the text, especially not once the canon ([ ?????? ] n. code of laws established by a church council. 教会法教规, 教规, (基

督教的)正典圣经(简称正经), of the Bible had been established not long before Dao?an established the canon of the Buddhist scriptures in Chinese.

Of course I am not suggesting that any translator in the West who now happens to translate either poetry or a computer manual does so with an image of a wrathful ([ ??????◆● ] adj.愤怒的, 激怒的) God in his or her mind's eye, nor am I suggesting that her or his Chinese counterpart feels more relaxed while performing the same task because she or he is confident the Buddha will ultimately be kind, before or after death. What I am suggesting, though, is that these attitudes were among several factors that are to be found at the origin of thinking on translation in both China and the West, that they have been formative influences on the traditions of thinking about translation today.

Let us now take a closer look at the translation of scriptures, in China and West, namely at the translation of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese and at the translation of the Bible into Latin from Greek and Hebrew sources by Saint Jerome.

Stating with the method of translation, the first obvious difference between the two enterprises (An undertaking, especially one of some scope, complication, and risk. 事

业; 一项事业，尤其指一项雄心勃勃、复杂、且具危险性的事业) is to be found in the fact that when the Buddhist scriptures were first translated into Chinese, there were hardly any written texts available, and those available might just as easily be written in Central Asian and Indic ([ ?????? ] adj.印度的, 印度语的) languages as in Sanskrit.

([ ????????? ] n.梵语adj.梵语的) The language in which they were written is of less importance than the glaring ([ ??●????? ] adj. Conspicuous; obvious:突出

的，显眼的；明显的) fact that this medium of transmitting the scriptures was inseparably ([ ] adj.不分开的; 不分离的; 相连的) bound up with (be bound up with: 与...有密切联系; 与...利益一致) what I have called the interpreting situation, even though the texts that were recited were also actually written down in the koushou (口授) stage of the interpreting process. Jerome, on the other hand, worked from written documents and found himself in the translation situation from the start. Obviously the distinction did not remain as clear cut: written texts of the Buddhist scriptures became gradually available for translation into Chinese, but my contention is, once again, that the first attempt at doing something is bound to establish a tradition, and that these traditions are one of the causes of the difference between thinking about translation in China and the West.

Perhaps the most striking difference between the two traditions is that of the faithfulness/freedom opposition (The condition of being in conflict; antagonism: 处于

对立或矛盾的状态，敌对：) in translation, which has plagued (To afflict with or as if with a disease or calamity: 使遭殃，困扰被或似乎被某种疾病或灾难折磨：) western thinking on the subject virtually from Cicero onwards, only to be exacerbated

([ ] vt. To increase the severity, violence, or bitterness of; aggravate: 使…加剧，使…剧烈，使…恶化；加重：) by the translation of the holy scriptures, and which appears to be largely absent from the Chinese tradition. Of course the first translation of the Buddhist scriptures into Chinese were done in what was referred to as a 'simple' style, or wen, but mainly because the early Buddhist missionaries, such as An Shigao (最著名的佛经译者为安世高和支娄迦谶chenˋ), a

Parthian ([ ] adj.帕提亚(Parthia)的n.帕提亚(亚洲西部古国,在伊朗东北部)), and Zhi Loujiachan, a Scythian (Scythian [ ] 塞西亚(的) 塞西亚人[语](的; Scythia [ ] 塞西亚(亚洲与欧洲东南部之一古地区)), who translated those scriptures were not all that well-versed in Chinese. Perhaps the supreme irony revealed by a comparison between the two ways of thinking about translation is that the wen style, abandoned by Chinese translators after one, or at most two generations, is analogous to the style adopted by Eusebius

Hieronymus in his translation of the Vulgate ([ ??●????] n.拉丁文圣经, 公认的文

本), a translation full of transliterations from Hebrew, and syntactic constructions closely modeled on Greek and, to a lesser extent, Hebrew, precisely the two translational features that vanished from translations into Chinese as soon as these translations were mainly done by Chinese themselves, roughly from the time of Zhi Qian onward. After Zhi Qian, translations were done in the elegant style, or zhi, suitable for literary production, no doubt because the translators realized that was the only style that would be taken seriously by the target audience of officials, literati, and intellectuals. This remained the style for translation until classical Chinese was replaced by spoken Chinese also as the language of communication among those elite groups at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Another striking difference between the two traditions that becomes immediately obvious is that the Chinese tradition emphasizes what we would now call teamwork, while the Western tradition has often frowned upon that very concept. It is well known that the early translations of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese were produced in three distinct stages. The first stage, koushou (口授), was that of oral interpretation of the text, which was often written down only during the process of interpreting. The second stage, Chuanyan was that of oral instruction, transmission, and recitation. The third stage, bishou, was that of enscribing (inscribe [ ????????? ] v.记下in Chinese). From the very beginning, then, translation in

China was not the lonely pursuit it has mainly been in the West. In fact, the teamwork was later institutionalised, with twelve different people holding twelve different titles and doing twelve different types of work.

It is well known that Jerome also worked with a group of helpers, since he surrounded himself in his Bethlehem ([ ????●???? ] n.伯利恒(耶路撒泠南方六英里一市镇,耶

稣诞生地) retreat (A place affording peace, quiet, privacy, or security. 静居处, 安泰、

宁静、幽僻或安全的地方) with monks and noble Roman ladies, but it is doubtful that he ever had at his disposal a number of assistants anywhere near to the 800 Kumarajiva (born 343/344 died 413

Buddhist scholar and seer, famed for his encyclopaedic knowledge of Indian and Vedantic learning. He is recognized as one of the greatest translators of Buddhist scriptures from Sanskrit into Chinese, and it was largely owing to his efforts and influence that Buddhist religious and philosophical ideas were disseminated in China.) is reported to have had. As far as we can reconstruct what went on in Jerome's Bethlehem equivalent of the 'Carefree Garden?that was established in Chang'an under the patronage of Fu Jim, three years before Jerome started his work on translating the Bible, he used his assistants more as walking dictionaries than as partners in the actual composition of the translated text.

It would be misleading to the extreme to suggest that the differences between Chinese and Western thinking on translation can be reduced to a mere matter of method. There is also, perhaps more importantly, although one should not underestimate the impact of a tradition once it is established, the matter of the role the translated text is to play in the receiving culture. In Chinese culture that matter was resolved relatively early on, as stated above, and once it was resolved here was little or no looking back. The new text, the translation, was destined (To determine beforehand; preordain [ ???????????? ] 预定, 事先决定；预定) to function in the receiving culture in the place of the old text, and function it would, whether it had

a revision of previously produced translations) of the Bible into Latin, which became known as the Vulgate, and which was proclaimed the official version of the Roman Catholic Bible. Such sanctioning by power further reinforces the ambiguous status of the translation which may be elevated to the position of an original, even if it is, basically, a translation. This also explains why translation has been so tightly constrained and circumscribed in the West, precisely because it was also seen as the potential Achilles (in Greek mythology, son of the mortal Peleus ([???●???? ?????] n.[希神]珀琉斯(色萨利地方密尔弥冬人的国王,Achilles之父), king of the Myrmidons([ ????????? ]), and the Nereid([ ???????? ] n.[希神]涅瑞伊得斯(海中仙女)), or sea nymph, Thetis ([ ??????? ????? ] n.[希

神]西蒂斯(海神Nereus[ ?????◆?? ]的女儿)). He was the bravest, handsomest, and greatest warrior of the army of Agamemnon ([ ??????????? ] n.[希神]阿伽门

农, 特洛伊战争中希腊军队的统帅)in the Trojan ([ 5trEudVEn ] n.特洛伊War . ) ([ ????●??? ]n.[希神]阿基里斯) heel ([ hi:l ] n.脚后跟, 踵, 跟部) (Achilles heel

艾基利斯之踵的弱点; 要害(来自希腊神话) ) of power. What if the translation that serves as the foundation narrative of a culture actually turns out to be untenable ([ ?????????●? ?????? ] adj. Being such that defense or maintenance is impossible: 防守不住的, 站不住脚的, 不能维持的, 支持不住的), at least in places? Such mistakes could be liable to undermine the foundations of power itself. Small wonder that the Roman Catholic Church tried to discourage (by intimidation) and prevent (by coercion ([ ??◆?????? ] n. force 强迫, 威压, 高压政治) and execution) both translations from the Vulgate into the different national languages of Europe, or revisions of the Vulgate itself for at least ten centuries, even though it was never completely successful in doing so.

Power obviously also played a role in the translation of the Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. We are reminded of Dao'an's statement to the effect that 'the case of Buddhism will go nowhere without the support of the monarch, .As opposed to what happened in the West, however, the translation of Buddhist scriptures lost its official patronage in China about three hundred years later, while official support for the Vulgate, at least on the part of the Roman Catholic Church, continues to this day. In practice, the Vulgate remained unchallenged until the sixteenth century, when Erasmus published his translation of the New Testament, and then only with the proviso that his translation should only be read by scholars and that the Vulgate should remain the translation in general use.

Early Western translations of the Bible into the different national languages of Europe historicise their original only when they step outside the realms of theology and into those of literature. When they do not pretend to be translations in the strict sense of transcodings, as Vermeer calls them, they become retellings or “biblical epics? as they are called in histories of both Old

English and Old High German literature. Here the analogy with the Chinese tradition becomes clear again, as it often does when compared to those elements of the Western tradition that never achieved dominance, or whose dominance was relatively short-lived. Perhaps the closest a variant of the Western tradition ever came to the Chinese tradition was during the relatively short period during which the 'Belles Infideles' (不忠实) type of translation was dominant in France. To be sue, that type of translation only became dominant outside the religious/theological sphere, but its dominance rested on an attitude similar to that prevalent in the Chinese tradition, namely that of positing its own culture as central and, concomitantly, of acculturating the other on its own term only. The ideal of the unchanged translation of the word of

God, because it is the word of God, still lives on in the West in the concept of the faithful translation.

What can such a comparison as I have been trying to make show us about the phenomenon of translation as such? The first, and most obvious point is that translation spans a field immeasurably wider than that which involves the mere technical activity of translating. Or, to put it in starker ([ ] adj.刻板的, 十

足的, 赤裸的, 荒凉的) terms: language only has a tangential (Merely touching or slightly connected. 肤浅的, 只是接触着的, 或只是略微有联系的) impact on translation; at best it can be equated with transcoding. Rather, the factors that shape how a culture defines translation for itself seem to be language-independent but still culturally bound to a great extent. These factors include power, whether wielded ([ wi:ld ] v. To exercise (authority or influence, for example) effectively. 有效地行使、运用（如权力或

影响）) by the Roman Catholic Church or the emperors of the Han, Sui, or T'ang dynasties, the self-image of a culture and the degree to which a culture maybe homogeneous or not, and, perhaps the strongest of them all, although I am reluctant to admit it after this longish exercise in comparative genealogy, contingency: what, we may well ask, would have happened if the Chinese translators of the Buddhist scriptures had had written texts to work with from the outset?

那一刻我感受到了幸福_初中作文

那一刻我感受到了幸福 本文是关于初中作文的那一刻我感受到了幸福，感谢您的阅读！ 每个人民的心中都有一粒幸福的种子，当它拥有了雨水的滋润和阳光的沐浴，它就会绽放出最美丽的姿态。那一刻，我们都能够闻到幸福的芬芳，我们都能够感受到幸福的存在。 在寒假期间，我偶然在授索电视频道，发现(百家讲坛)栏目中大学教授正在解密幸福，顿然引起我的好奇心，我放下了手中的遥控器，静静地坐在电视前，注视着频道上的每一个字，甚至用笔急速记在了笔记本上。我还记得，那位大学教授讲到了一个故事：一位母亲被公司升职到外国工作，这位母亲虽然十分高兴，但却又十分无奈，因为她的儿子马上要面临中考了，她不能撇下儿子迎接中考的挑战，于是她决定拒绝这了份高薪的工作，当有人问她为什么放弃这么好的机会时，她却毫无遗憾地说，纵然我能给予儿子最贵的礼物，优异的生活环境，但我却无当给予他关键时刻的那份呵护与关爱，或许以后的一切会证明我的选择是正确的。听完这样一段故事，我心中有种说不出的感觉，刹那间，我仿拂感觉那身边正在包饺子的妈妈，屋里正在睡觉的爸爸，桌前正在看小说的妹妹给我带来了一种温馨，幸福感觉。正如教授所说的那种解密幸福。就要选择一个明确的目标，确定自已追求的是什么，或许那时我还不能完全诠释幸福。 当幸福悄悄向我走来时，我已慢慢明白，懂得珍惜了。 那一天的那一刻对我来说太重要了，原本以为出差在外的父母早已忘了我的生日，只有妹妹整日算着日子。我在耳边唠叨个不停，没想到当日我失落地回到家中时，以为心中并不在乎生日，可是眼前的一切，让我心中涌现的喜悦，脸上露出的微笑证明我是在乎的。

爸爸唱的英文生日快乐歌虽然不是很动听，但爸爸对我的那份爱我听得很清楚，妈妈为我做的长寿面，我细细的品尝，吃出了爱的味道。妹妹急忙让我许下三个愿望，嘴里不停的唠叨：我知道你的三个愿望是什么?我问：为什么呀!我们是一家人，心连心呀!她高兴的说。 那一刻我才真正解开幸福的密码，感受到了真正的幸福，以前我无法理解幸福，即使身边有够多的幸福也不懂得欣赏，不懂得珍惜，只想拥有更好更贵的，其实幸福比物质更珍贵。 那一刻的幸福就是爱的升华，许多时候能让我们感悟幸福不是名利，物质。而是在血管里涌动着的，漫过心底的爱。 也许每一个人生的那一刻，就是我们幸运的降临在一个温馨的家庭中，而不是降临在孤独的角落里。 家的感觉就是幸福的感觉，幸福一直都存在于我们的身边!

关于我的幸福作文八篇汇总

关于我的幸福作文八篇汇总 幸福在每个人的心中都不一样。在饥饿者的心中，幸福就是一碗香喷喷的米饭；在果农的心中，幸福就是望着果实慢慢成熟；在旅行者的心中，幸福就是游遍世界上的好山好水。而在我的心中，幸福就是每天快快乐乐，无忧无虑；幸福就是朋友之间互相帮助，互相关心；幸福就是在我生病时，母亲彻夜细心的照顾我。 幸福在世间上的每个角落都可以发现，只是需要你用心去感受而已。 记得有一次，我早上出门走得太匆忙了，忘记带昨天晚上准备好的钢笔。老师说了：“今天有写字课，必须要用钢笔写字，不能用水笔。”我只好到学校向同学借了。当我来到学校向我同桌借时，他却说：“我已经借别人了，你向别人借吧！”我又向后面的同学借，可他们总是找各种借口说：“我只带了一枝。”问了三四个人，都没有借到，而且还碰了一鼻子灰。正当我急的像热锅上的蚂蚁团团转时，她递给了我一枝钢笔，微笑的对我说：“拿去用吧！”我顿时感到自己是多么幸福！在我最困难的时候，当别人都不愿意帮助我的时候，她向我伸出了援手。 幸福也是无时无刻都在身旁。 当我生病的时候，高烧持续不退时，是妈妈在旁边细心

的照顾我，喂我吃药，甚至一夜寸步不离的守在我的床边，直到我苏醒。当我看见妈妈的眼睛布满血丝时，我的眼眶在不知不觉地湿润了。这时我便明白我有一个最疼爱我的妈妈，我是幸福的！ 幸福就是如此简单！不过，我们还是要珍惜眼前的幸福，还要给别人带来幸福，留心观察幸福。不要等幸福悄悄溜走了才发现，那就真的是后悔莫及了！ 这就是我拥有的幸福，你呢？ 悠扬的琴声从房间里飘出来，原来这是我在弹钢琴。优美的旋律加上我很强的音乐表现力让一旁姥爷听得如醉如痴。姥爷说我是幸福的，读了《建设幸福中国》我更加体会到了这一点。 儿时的姥爷很喜欢读书，但当时家里穷，据姥爷讲那时上学可不像现在。有点三天打鱼两天晒网，等地里农活忙了太姥爷就说：“别去念书了，干地里的活吧。”干活时都是牛马拉车，也没机器，效率特别低。还要给牲口拔草，喂草，拾柴火，看书都是抽空看。等农闲时才能背书包去学校，衣服更是老大穿了，打补丁老二再接着穿，只有盼到过年时才有能换上件粗布的新衣服。写字都是用石板，用一次擦一次，那时还没有电灯，爱学习的姥爷在昏暗的煤油灯下经常被灯火不是烧了眉毛就是燎了头发。没有电灯更没有电视，没有电视更没有见过钢琴，只知道钢琴是贵族家用的。

小学生作文《感悟幸福》范文五篇汇总

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