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Inaugural Address of Calvin Coolidge

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1925

My Countrymen:

No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is satisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country is leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the great conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience for some time. But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely what course should be pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be taken for our deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and conscientiously to adopt these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the Nation. Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the settlement of the disputes among the European nations. Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity.

These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been secured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations. We can not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of government. If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations. We must realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change. We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do.

We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action with an array of force. The old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation. Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broader opportunities of a national constitution. Under the eternal urge of freedom we became an independent Nation. A little less than 50 years later that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of all the world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening continent until it passed down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom a birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in order

to safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples. In the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the Great War. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.

Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have strengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be, more and more American. We believe that we can best serve our own country and most successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be openly and candidly, in tensely and scrupulously, American. If we have any heritage, it has been that. If we have any destiny, we have found it in that direction.

But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined in all their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life. We can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of real importance. It is not the name of the action, but the result of the action, which is the chief concern. It will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement of pacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of the earth has separated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity. Our country represents nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of a great people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modem, capable of defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air. But it should be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace.

This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has never found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms. In common with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through friendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forbearance. We have never practiced the policy of competitive armaments. We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with the other great nations to a limitation of our sea power. As one result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before. Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war. This policy represents a new departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an entirely new line of action. It will not be easy to maintain. Some never moved from their old positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing

a musket and relying on force. America has taken the lead in this new direction, and that lead America must continue to hold. If we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness and justice.

If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in international relations from frequent conferences and consultations. We have before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference and the various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of which were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we were active participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am strongly in favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that there is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be secured.

In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure that result. The same considerations should lead to our adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice. Where great principles are involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations have given such movements their actual support, we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any small and inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important and compelling fundamental reasons. We can not barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason.

We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any other countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicated in the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are requirements which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the world.

Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plans and preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate. One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of the most practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making and financing of such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty, for America to respond with her counsel and her resources. Conditions must be provided under which people can make a living and work out of their difficulties. But there is another element, more important than all, without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace. That element lies in the heart of humanity. Unless the desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will come when there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.

It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment and independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests. This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious differences in both Europe and Asia. But there is a very definite point beyond which we can not go. We can only help those who help themselves. Mindful of these limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the world.

While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that direction depends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to conduct our Government by means of political parties. That system would not have survived from generation to generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities for the most complete expression of the popular will. It is not necessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly. It is enough to know that nothing better has been devised. No one would deny that there should be full and free expression and an opportunity for independence of action within the party. There

is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship. But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label must be something more than a mere device for securing office. Unless those who are elected under the same party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with each other in the support of the broad general principles, of the party platform, the election is merely a mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation of the popular will. Common honesty and good faith with the people who support a party at the polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume the control of that portion of the Government to which it has been elected. Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party pledges.

When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as will make the party majority an effective instrument of government. This Administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate from the people. The expression of the popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive. There was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable defeat. The people declared that they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicial determination, and their independence and freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control of their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands. As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and are determined to have a sound government.

When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation. The principle involved in this effort is that of conservation. The resources of this country are almost beyond computation. No mind can comprehend them. But the cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyond definition. Not only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and what it does. No matter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy. They are opposed to waste. They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their labor. I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money, but because I wish to save people. The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government. Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most practical form.

If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity. The property of the country belongs to the people of the country. Their title is absolute. They do not support any privileged class; they do not need to maintain great military forces; they ought not to be burdened with a great array of public employees. They are not required to make any contribution to Government expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people; but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.

The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. We can not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor. This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous. The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be successful. The verdict of the country has been given on this question. That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it.

These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It is not property but the right to hold property, both great and small, which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged with a service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations. The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.

These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous industrial relations.

Under the helpful influences of restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom before seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have been able to meet all the requirements of the service. Agriculture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand.

We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already possess. Our system of government made up of three separate and independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all these need constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support.

In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject. He has no voice in its making, no influence in its administration, it does not represent him. Under a free government the citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent him. Those who want their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law. While there may be those of high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the defective always violate it. Those who disregard the rules of society are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom and independence, are not following the path of civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle.

The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congress represents the people and the States. In all legislative affairs it is the natural collaborator with the President. In spite of all the criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that there is no more independent and effective legislative body in the world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome its cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation.

These are some of the principles which America represents. We have not by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country is not that it has reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed in the right direction. It is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought. It would be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race. But the last election showed that appeals to class and nationality had little effect. We were all found loyal to a common citizenship. The fundamental precept of liberty is toleration.

We can not permit any inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office. The mind of America must be forever free.

It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for satisfaction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been done. The past and present show faith and hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country, an example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad. Here stands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience. Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promoting enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring the advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor among the nations. America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin. She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God.

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摘要：就职演说作为一种特殊的演讲形势，很好的诠释了演说词的深远意义和广泛影响力。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为研究对象，对排比的大量使用进行分析，旨在揭示排比修辞法在演讲文体中的巨大作用。排比的使用能给演讲者带来恢弘的气势，使演说的逻辑更加清晰，同时也增强了演说者的感召力，增强了读者和听众对演说词的深刻理解。 关键词：就职演说词；演讲；排比 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的问题，既不同于日常谈话，也不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。由于其都是在非常正式的场合，由特定的演讲者直接面向广大听众进行的旨在激起群众的热情，获得听众的支持和认可的一种社会活动，因此使其兼备口语和书面语俩种文体的语言特点同时，有着显著地差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长，弃口语松散杂乱之短；既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风，又不失口语生动感人之韵，使人听来感到铿锵悦耳，感情充沛，极富感染力和号召力。 美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统治国理想，对国家所面临的困难和挑战的分析，施政纲领的宣布以及如何实现民众的希望都通过这一就职演讲传达出来。据各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对美国新当选的总统奥巴马于2009年1月20日做出的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。由此可见，一次演讲所承担的使命以及其所能达到的效果非同凡响。本文以美国历届总统就职演说辞为语料，以排比修辞法的使用为基点进行简要的分析，揭示排比在演讲词中的巨大作用以及其所带来的恢弘气势、清晰地说理与强大的感召力，以增强读者对排比法的深刻理解。 排比（parallelism）是一种修辞手法，它是利用三个或三个以上意义相关或相近，结构相同或相似和语气相同的词组（主谓/动宾）或句子并排，达到一种加强语势的效果。Parallelism:Similarity of construction of adjacent word groups equivalent,complementary,or antithetic in sense esp.for rhetorical effect or rhythm;reiteration in similar phrases （Webster’s Third New International Dictionary of The English Language Unabridged1986）.这种结构的大量运用，使得演讲在句法结构上更加工整，在语篇上更具气势，在感情上更具有感染力。在诸多的美国总统中，每一位总统的就职演说词，都依据各自不同的政治目的，而或多或少的使用到了排比的修辞方法，以下则是笔者从美国历任总统的演说中例选出的经典排比句式。 例1.托马斯.杰斐逊在建国之初，国家建设时期的就职演讲中，排比句的使用感召了国民对进国家建设的热衷，鼓舞了民众士气。 Let us,then,fellow-citizens,unite with one heart and one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that,having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic,as wicked,and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions……Let us,then,with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这些，自由，甚至生活本身都会索然寡味，让我们再想一想，我们已经将长期以来造成人类流血、受苦的宗教信仰上的不宽容现象逐出国上，如果我们鼓励某种政治上的不宽容，其专演、邪恶和可能造成的残酷、血腥迫害均与此相仿，那么我们必将无所收获。……因此，让我们以勇气和信心，迫求我们自己的联邦与共和原则，拥戴联邦与代议制政府。 四个Let us…平行排列，从团结到和睦如初，到想一想，最后到以勇气和欣欣追求共和原则，把团结置于首位，加强了感情联络，产生了强烈的感召力。 例2.在维护祖国统一的美国内战时期，林肯于1861年三月四日就职演说中通过排比的句式使用表现其坚定的反对国家分裂、维护国家统一的立场和信念，给我们留下了极其深刻的影响。 It was formed,in fact,by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in1776.It was further matured,and the faith of all the then thirteen States…… 在三个平行结构的被动句式排比中，强调了联邦条款之于美国联邦的重要性，突出了国家宪法高于一切，人民的利益是以宪法为保障，一切组织和团体行为都要以宪法为依据，因而突出团结高于一切。 例3.在经济大危机施虐全球的30年代，富兰克林·罗斯福于新政改革时期所做的就职演说中，排比的使用加强了人们复苏经济的信心；他在就职演说中大量的使用排比以呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机。 The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise…It can be helped by preventing realistically the…It can be helped by 从历届美国总统就职演说辞中探讨 排比在演说词中的使用 贲延青 147

2013年奥巴马就任总统演讲2013.1.21(中英文版)

视频参考 https://www.wendangku.net/doc/149067283.html,/p/news/w/v/2013-01-22/052261982905.html Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable r ights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed. For more than two hundred years, we have. Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together. Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers。 Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play. Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune. Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国 总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。 关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析 一．引言 历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰??菲茨杰拉德?肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。 二．文献回顾 语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。 国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，

美国历届总统简介：第28任总统 托马斯-伍德罗-威尔逊

美国历届总统简介：第28任总统托马斯?伍德罗?威尔逊 Thomas Woodrow Wilson was the 28th President of the United States. He served two terms in office from 1913to 1921. He was born in Virginia in 1856. Wilson suffered from dyslexia and didn’t learn to read until hewas ten years old. He graduated from Princeton in 1879. He also studied law at the University of Virginia and in 1883 gained a PhD in history and political science from John Hopkins University. 托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊是美国第28任总统。任职两届，任期为1913-1921.1856年，威尔逊出生于弗吉尼亚。小时，威尔逊患有阅读障碍症，十岁时才开始学习阅读。1879年，他毕业于普林斯顿大学。并在弗吉尼亚大学学习法律，1883年，在约翰霍普金斯大学获得历史学和政治科学博士学位。 Wilson advanced rapidly as a conservative young professor of political science and became president of Princeton in 1902. His growing national reputation led some Democrats to consider him Presidential material. He was nominated for President at the 1912 Democratic Convention. He won only 42 percent of the popular vote but got an overwhelming electoral vote to become President. 威尔逊迅速成为了政治科学专业的一名年轻教授，并在1902年成为普林斯顿校长。威尔逊在国内的声望愈来愈高，这使得民主党考虑让他成为总统。在1912年的民主大会上，他成为了总统候选人。虽然他仅仅获得了42%的选票，但是在总统选举中，他以压倒性的优势获胜。 Wilson passed bills for lower tariffs, a graduated income tax, the prohibition of child labor, 8-hour days for railroad workers, and more.

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure