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The Revolution That Turned Education Sentimental

At some point in the mid-1960s the picture of the classroom in the national imagination changed. Before, it consisted of ranks of traditional, slope-surfaced wooden desks at which sat uniformed children, their heads bowed, before an authoritarian and perhaps eccentric teacher. After, there were tables organized into groups, no uniforms and a nice, friendly teacher who probably liked the same pop music as his pupils.

This is a cartoon view, but it depicts a real change. It was an educational revolution that was well-meant, benignly inspired by concern for our children and apparently, endorsed by some of the greatest minds of our age. Its ideal was to help children grow and its politics were egalitarian. With Shirley Williams’ abolition of most grammar schools and the introduction of comprehensives, the plan was in place.

It was, as we and the Prince of W ales now know, an unmitigated disaster. Understanding why we did it and why it fails is a gloomy but necessary business.

Perhaps it was simply because it seems like a nice thing to do. Of course teachers should help children to grow up; of course comprehensives should break down class divisions; of course grim authority should give way to happy enthusiasm. These were simple ideals, but they were created by a thought process and it is this that now has to be dismantled.

The first point is not to be confused by the politics. Today’s teachers are not the raging extremists of Tory and tabloid mythology. Indeed, more than 50% of them,

according to one estimate, vote Conservative.

This real root of the problem is inadequately understood and misapplied theory. Take, for example, the specific issue raised by the prince-why Shakespeare was not being widely and enthusiastically taught. The immediate reason is that educationists and teachers have colluded on a view that contemporary and multicultural work is more relevant and that Shakespeare, indeed all pre-1990 literature, is left to be inaccessible to less able pupils.

At one level this is a result of the “child-centered”philosophy defined by the Plowden report in the 1960s. Lady Plowden’s committee led us all into unstructured classrooms and the accompanying glorification of childish ignorance. It effectively wrote the script for the liberal education establishment that has dominated our schools ever since.

Keeping the Plowden faith alive now is the wildly misguided figure of Frank Smith, preacher of the “real books” approach to reading. This is the liberal theory in its most decadent phase: children are expected to read almost solely by being in the presence of books. Some benign osmosis is supposed to function. What Smith and his followers cannot see is that reading is an artificial activity, an arbitrary code demanded by our culture.

Emerging from ill-digested Freud, which, in turn, was modified Nietzsche, and a corrupted version of Rousseau, the beliefs of these people aspired to turn education into a process whereby the child dictated the pace. The whole educational emphasis swung from transmitting a culture to nurturing individual development. It encouraged sentimentality, the primary emotional evil of our day, and a sort of caring blandness. More alarmingly, it offered teachers the chance to be social engineers.

In practical terms, it undermined the authority of what was being taught. It is not necessary, indeed it is impossible, for a primary school child to understand the principle behind the eight times table. Numbers of theorists over the world would dearly like to know that principle for themselves. But child-centeredness demands understanding rather than learning, so tables are not taught properly and children are severed from a culture which depends for its coherence on the simple, authoritative certainty that seven times eight is 56.

Literature in schools was specifically compromised by other cased of remote high-intellectual theories trickling down into the classrooms. In the late 1960s and the early 1970s, structuralism swept through British universities to be followed later by post-structuralism, a whole generation of French thinkers appeared to have discovered that literature was dead.

All that was left was “the text”. Great authors and their intentions were exposed as elaborate delusions. Meaning was unconsciously embodied in the text, and text. Hamlet, from this perspective, has no greater intrinsic worth than the list of ingredients on a can of beans.

Barthes and Derrida were brilliant and Rousseau and Freud, the cultural grandfathers of the 1960s revolution, were geniuses. The average teacher has probably never read any of them, but without knowing, he has absorbed and intellectual tradition that had distorted their thought into cheap sentimentality. Handing such tradition to a low-grade educational establishment is like giving a Kalashnikov to a four-year-old.

There is one final layer of intellectual corruption that needs to be exposed-cultural relativism. This is the most deeply hidden of all because it is the most pervasive. In essence, it is the deadening conviction that all cultures are equal and that, therefore, ours is of no special value. It can even be glimpsed in the current moronic Nationwide Building Society television advertisement in which dancing natives carrying spears are unquestioningly characterized as springing from an

“older, wiser” culture. Hamlet and the eight-times table are cast aside. Anything can be taught.

Why do we feel the need to believe this? Why have we lost the power to celebrate what we are?

Y et cultural relativism is the instinctive belief of our entire educational establishment and, consequently, of their pupils. It explains all the supposedly “relevant” material that makes its ways into classrooms as will as the abject “multiculturalism” that destroys our ability to assert that Hamlet is better than either a baked bean can or the latest rap star.

Prince Charles began to see the point when he read of a speech delivered by George W alden, the Tory MP, in June 1990. W alden is the Jonathan Swift of our age hurling dangerously literate abuse at the tat and trash of our culture.

The speech, ostensibly on the subject of diplomacy, veered into a withering evocation of a culturally depraved nation-whose economic recovery is as recent as it is likely to change, whose educational and cultural levels remain lamentably low, and whose main conurbations-which already include some of the most desolating cityscapes in Europe-are becoming environmentally suffocated. He spoke of “a trashed society, trashy broadcasting, trashy newspapers, trashy values, a national past trashed by a trashy education system”. W e were “the thick man of Europe”.

It is difficult to imagine anybody wishing to be King of such a place. So W alden, who is very clever, met Charles, who is not, and helped to steer him in the direction of education as the root of the malaise.

As with architecture, it was a potentially explosive populist issue. People seemed unable to get what they wanted from a band of haughty professionals. And, as with architecture, throwing the prince into this morass was to play a highly risky wild card.

The key to what the prince, and therefore W alden, is saying is bewilderment. After 12 years of radical Tory rule and in a climate of popular conviction that the

state education system has been a disastrous failure, why are our schools still so bad? And why do they still seem so vulnerable to the kinds of ideas that have proved so disastrous for so long?

The political problem was that schools never made Margaret Thatcher angry in the same way as unions or nationalized industries. She felt that people ought to look after themselves and bad schools became, in this context, a kind of bracing, self-improving hazard of life.

It was a terrible, tragic mistake. Of all the failed establishments of post-war Britain, education was the one most urgently in need of a Thatcher revolution. But her ministers, with their children at private schools, never did enough to force her to re-examine her prejudices.

So the bewilderment of the prince is inspired both by a political failure and by deeply-embedded intellectual corruption. The hope must be that his intervention will focus the popular conviction that something is badly wrong and force the issue out of the wilderness to which Thatcher consigned it.

Unfortunately taking on the liberal educational establishment is like trying to disperse a fog with hand grenades. To discuss the issue with them is to run into a damp barrier of terrifying complacency. They will focus on “resources”, on the specialist expertise of teachers or on the availability of Shakespeare on video. What they will not do is to accept the bad and violent failure of the education system to transmit the most glorious cultural heritage in the world. This is, of course, because they themselves are substantially ignorant of that culture.

The prince is aspiring to exalted company. Apart from W alden, is this country the historian, Correlli Barnett, has damned the education system for producing “a segregated, subliterate, unskilled, unhealthy and institutionalized proletariat hanging on the nipple of state maternalism”. And in America, Allan Bloom with his book, The Closing of the American Mind, has indicted liberal educationists for the almost total destruction of the nation’s culture.

But the truth is that, both in the United States and Britain, there prophets are surveying a defeat. The damage has been done. As a result, both countries have

resigned themselves, to living with a swelling, disaffected, subliterate underclass.

Teaching Shakespeare or tables has nothing to do with such vast social problems, the liberals will say. The horror is that they still believe it.

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